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1.
反恐战争与美国-伊斯兰世界矛盾的演进 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
9·11事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化.这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面.美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一. 相似文献
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“9·11”事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化。这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面。美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一。 相似文献
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Eric Bonds 《Sociology Compass》2017,11(10)
The 2003 U.S. invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq had profound consequences for the people living in that nation. In this essay, I provide a brief overview of the dramatic changes that transpired in Iraq due to the war. I then move on to highlight the contributions U.S. sociologists have made in studies regarding the conflict, based on a review of articles published from 2003–2016 in ten generalist U.S.‐based journals. My review shows that while U.S. sociology has made significant contributions to further collective knowledge about American aspects of the Iraq War, U.S. sociologists have paid very little attention to the actual impacts of the invasion and occupation on Iraqi social organizations, Iraqi culture, and on the lives of individual Iraqis. I make the case that these historically significant events deserve more scholarly attention than they have been given so far. I further argue that U.S. sociologists have a special responsibility to document, study, and explain the consequences of their government's behavior when it causes extensive harm to people living in another land. 相似文献
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《Public Relations Review》2019,45(5):101787
Much of public relations historiography on World War II focuses on the government uses of the function. This study fills a gap in the literature by exploring how a non-governmental organization called the American Social Hygiene Association (ASHA) used persuasion communication efforts to enlist the aid of management, labor, and local communities in the United States in the control of venereal disease (VD) rates. The case study advances a more diverse understanding of how activists have utilized public relations and found that the social reformers’ use of persuasive communications strategies and activities aligned with the view of public relations as the strategic and intentional participation in the social construction of meaning to achieve a planned outcome. 相似文献
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Glen H. Elder Jr. 《Sociological Forum》1987,2(3):449-472
Men experience historical events, such as wars, at different times in their lives and are thereby influenced in different ways. Using data on a cohort of veterans from World War II, this study investigates the proposition that entry into the armed forces at a relatively early age maximized discontinuity and facilitated a redirection of the life course through psychological development, a delayed entry into family roles, and greater advancement opportunity. By comparison, later entry into the service favored greater risk of family and career disruption within a pattern of life continuity from adolescence to the middle years. Results from the analysis are consistent with these expectations. 相似文献
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DONALD P. WARWICK 《Sociological inquiry》1974,44(2):75-91
Very little social scientific research has considered the question of bureaucratization in the individual governmental agency. Departing from an experiment in de-bureaucratization, this article traces the origins of two core components of bureaucracy-hierarchy and rules-in the U. S. Department of State. The discussion emphasizes the interaction between the internal structure of a public organization and two sets of environmental factors: the power setting and the operating environment. It is argued that this interaction produces a high degree of message generation, top-down demands for accountability and control, and bottom-up pressures for clearance and guidance. These conditions lead to a heavy message volume and a high degree of centralization which, in turn, bring on communications overload. Bureaucracy increases as overload is handled through hierarchical differentiation and the proliferation of rules. 相似文献
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Observers of the U.S. welfare state often contrast its low levelsof social spending with its lavish defense spending. This articledemonstrates that U.S. military institutions in fact providea segment of the population with benefits that have characteristicsof formal welfare state programs and have similar social welfarepurposes. It thus conceives of social assistance benefits formilitary families as comprising a distinct welfare state institution,one that challenges assumptions that the U.S. strategy for achievingsocial welfare goals fundamentally depends on rewarding marketparticipation and financially supporting families only underconditions of extreme poverty. 相似文献
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“9·11”之后,对抗恐怖主义成为美国对阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界外交工作的重中之重,公共外交也因此成为炙手可热的外交命题.进入21世纪,美国公共外交所处的国际环境发生了三个重要变化:非国家行为体的增多、传播技术的革命以及宗教因素在国际事务中的影响力上升.正因为这些变化,在传统的公共外交策略之外,美国又发展出了新公共外交策略.美国对阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界公共外交的非传统性特征包括:公共外交的品牌化和私营化、媒体工具的互联网化、项目内容的价值观化. 相似文献
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Ivan Simic 《Canadian Slavonic papers》2013,55(3-4):622-624
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美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾和冲突的历史形成了双方相互的敌对,使双方的冲突成为"自我证实的预言".美国新帝国战略体现了地缘政治的复归,激发了伊斯兰世界恐怖主义和宗教极端主义.具有深刻伊斯兰色彩的反美力量在伊斯兰世界迅速发展. 相似文献
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Lin Poyer 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2017,24(4):417-435
The indigenous rights movement emerged in the last quarter of the twentieth century, establishing a newly conceptualized identity claimed not on the grounds of shared culture, language or ancestry but on shared experience as native peoples marginalized by colonial expansion. This article examines how the Second World War created conditions favouring the emergence of indigenous identity as a global concept. Using a comparative perspective, this paper considers two ways in which war conditions affected indigenous peoples: by highlighting issues of citizenship, loyalty and military service; and by altering how combatant powers evaluated indigenous cultures. While the experiences of particular groups varied widely, the wartime era focused attention on both policies of assimilation and assertions of distinctiveness, creating a fluid context for change. A global, comparative perspective offers insight into the role of the war era in understanding the relationship between indigenous activism and the international order. 相似文献
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Ayala Luis Bárcena-Martín Elena Martínez-Vázquez Jorge 《Journal of Economic Inequality》2022,20(3):701-726
The Journal of Economic Inequality - The passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) in 1996 devolved responsibility for the design of welfare programs... 相似文献
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新一届美国政府成立后,其对伊朗核问题的立场成为国际社会广泛关注的热点问题。伊朗核问题解决的方式,主要取决于美伊双方,但在全球化的今天,美国和伊朗走向直接对抗甚至爆发战争的可能性越来越小,双方更可能以全方位外交谈判的方式来解决美伊之间的矛盾。 相似文献
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Rubén G. Rumbaut 《Sociological Forum》1994,9(4):583-621
Contemporary immigration to the United States and the formation of new ethnic groups are the complex and unintended social consequences of the expansion of the nation to its post-World War II position of global hegemony. Immigrant communities in the United States today are related to a history of American military, political, economic, and cultural involvement and intervention in the sending countries, especially in Asia and the Caribbean Basin, and to the linkages that are formed in the process that open a variety of legal and illegal migration pathways. The 19.8 million foreign-born persons counted in the 1990 U.S. census formed the largest immigrant population in the world, though in relative terms, only 7.9% of the U.S. population was foreign-born, a lower proportion than earlier in this century. Today's immigrants are extraordinarily diverse, a reflection of polar-opposite types of migrations embedded in very different historical and structural contexts. Also, unlike the expanding economy that absorbed earlier flows from Europe, since the 1970s new immigrants have entered an hourglass economy with reduced opportunities for social mobility, particularly among the less educated, and new waves of refugees have entered a welfare state with expanded opportunities for public assistance. This paper seeks to make sense of the new diversity. A typology of contemporary immigrants is presented, and their patterns of settlement, their distinctive social and economic characteristics compared to major native-born racial-ethnic groups, and their different modes of incorporation in—and consequences for—American society are considered. 相似文献
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二战结束以来,中东局势多变且冲突频仍,在综合考量国内外影响因素与制约力的基础上,土耳其政府在力所能及的范围内,对其中东政策不断进行调整,并形成了“追随美国”、“亲阿疏以”、“阿以平衡”三个演变阶段,最大限度地维护和实现了国家核心利益。土耳其政府执行的灵活中东政策,为处在大国夹缝中的中小国家如何执行国家利益最大化的外交政策提供了有益借鉴。 相似文献
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This research sought to explain the agency of U.S.-based nonprofit nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the U.S. standing abroad, and explore the NGO role in the U.S. public diplomacy. A multiple-case study method was used to look at five 501(c)(3) organizations that receive predominantly private funding and operate globally. The data gathered from in-person interviews and corporate documentation were compared between cases, and synthesized across cases using the theory-building technique. While U.S. standing affects American NGOs’ practices and discourses, American NGOs’ behavior might have a bearing on the attitudes, perceptions, and opinions of international publics about the United States. Both the NGO-owned state identities and American NGOs’ reputation for autonomy and freedom of expression enhance the U.S. public diplomacy efforts. 相似文献