Third Sector Social Policy Research in Australia: New Actors,New Politics

Human service NGOs have become central actors in contemporary welfare states. The broadening of the role of NGOs in Australia as both providers of the human services that are an integral part of the welfare state and as lobbyists or advocates and agents of social change has been widely acknowledged; however, this paper focuses on a recent deepening of the role of human service NGOs in the Australian welfare state by exploring an additional dimension of their growth. Based on a recent study, it is evident that there has been increasing involvement by human service NGOs in the production of social policy knowledge through ‘policy research’ activities. The research mapped policy research activities, policy research infrastructure and policy research resources in human service NGOs, and also captured NGO policy researchers’ perceptions of the rationales and motivations driving NGOs in this direction. It was clear that this shift is based on strong beliefs that researchers located within human service agencies are best placed to produce the kind of knowledge that should form the basis of social policies responding to human need. Other drivers identified by policy researchers suggest, however, that the inclusion of third sector organizations in policy processes cannot simply be understood as the ‘opening up’ or ‘democratization’ of social policy processes to include Third Sector participants. The motivations for human service NGOs moving into social policy knowledge production in Australia are thus complex and diverse. Drawing on the findings of our study, Researching the Researchers, this paper reflects on the implications of this reconfiguration of welfare state politics. Who produces the knowledge that influences, moulds, and even determines the allocation of resources for the delivery of human services, and how this knowledge is produced have been ongoing concerns in social policy scholarship. We suggest, that in the case of human service NGOs in Australia, entry into the field of social policy research can be understood as a reconfiguring of the democratic system of policy determination. It may also be one in which the NGOs become ‘experts’ on citizens’ needs through research practices that are fundamentally less, rather than more inclusive, of the subjects of social policy. The implications of a possible shift in power to influence and in some cases determine who gets what in the welfare state is of deep concern in relation to future models of social protection and ultimately the redistributive and democratic processes of nation states. This paper seeks to question the often-unquestioned ascendancy of the third sector in welfare and asks whether this shift is in keeping with the democratic process and whether it is the best way to determine and satisfy human need.     

Taking the democratic subject seriously

This article has two objectives. The first is to examine the post‐Marxist concept of the democratic subject, which I argue requires criticism and revision if it is to be coherently integrated into the post‐Marxist theory of democracy itself. The second is to examine the national–democratic project as proposed by the ANC and its allies in terms of this conceptual analysis of the democratic subject. It is argued that a ‘democratic turn’ has occurred in the national democratic project, but that national democratic subjectivity is still caught up in a fantasy of absolute political truth and closure, which interrupts its democratic practice.     

The politics of global youth participation

This article critically examines increased opportunities for youth participation in global political affairs created by the United Nations and its member states in the 2010s. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews at three global youth conferences, this study demonstrates the operationalization of participatory governance, a current mode of global politics, that seeks to engage multi-stakeholders in a seemingly more democratic and egalitarian process. It investigates how the structure and culture of participation mechanisms found in international political processes limited youth engagement. Young people expressed both dissatisfaction with what they perceived to be their inability to participate meaningfully and their desire to fulfill their human right to participation. The author argues that this reflects the construction an ideal global youth-citizen today as marked by an individual’s exercise of compulsory participation as a self-governing and responsible subject. Participation is employed as a mode of governance so that young people may instrumentally advance thier life chances against the insecurities of social risks imposed on them in the retreat of state provisions. The study underscores the need to critically examine the institutionalization of political youth agency.     

Democracy, Nationalism and Culture: A Social Critique of Liberal Monoculturalism

Does liberal democracy provide an ideal framework for solving nationalist disputes? Or is rather democracy more conductive to nationalism and conflict? No definitive answer can be given to this broadly formulated question. However, the trend in the scholarly literature has recently pointed towards the latter direction. This article first introduces the ‘demo‐skeptical turn’, which has emerged across disciplines in the study of democratic transitions. It then relates this to an understudied area – cultural homogenization. A social history of cultural homogenization remains yet to be written, but its historical impact is so overwhelming that its key features need to be studies on its own. This is, in turn, related to mainstream concepts of majoritarian liberal democracy.     

Supervisors in ergonomic change of meat cutting work

Being a supervisor is an important and lonely occupation. The aim of this study was to identify barriers and opportunities in working conditions for supervisors, being facilitators and implementers of change for meat cutters. Nine supervisors of meat cutters in one large company were interviewed. The semi-structured interviews covered their roles as supervisors, performance of the change process and their own working conditions. Notes were taken and structured in themes. Similarities, differences, plus and minus were identified. There was a nuanced view on the change processes and their effects. The change processes and the decisions were anchored in a democratic process with groups of employees and the union. All were clear on what demands the company had on them. They were secure in a functioning network of peers and their immediate superior. On their own education, most were as a whole satisfied, but in need of more training and talked of lifelong learning. They considered their work demanding and lonely, with a need both to be manager and leader. A shared leadership could mean doing a better job. There is a need for education and training as a manager and leader as well as the opportunity to discuss with peers.     

The Open Government Partnership: Mere Smokescreen or New Paradigm?

In 2011, on the initiative of US President Barack Obama 8 governments and 9 civil society organizations (CSOs) came together to create the Open Government Partnership (OGP). The OGP was proclaimed as a new paradigm in promoting open government and democratic principles through the creation of participatory mechanisms involving governments and CSOs. This article aims to examine in more detail if the OGP, after 5 years in existence, has lived up to the initial proclamations as a new model of democracy-promotion at the global level. Departing from theoretical considerations on the potential of participatory mechanisms for the promotion of democratic processes, the article analyzes the OGP processes of 3 founding members, Brazil, the US, and the UK. Although the structure of the OGP is highly innovative in many respects, the findings suggest that the governments of the 3 countries examined have used the OGP as a smokescreen to distract from on-going corruption, lacking transparency, and government secrecy. This article contributes to research on the possibilities and challenges of effectively democratizing global governance mechanisms through the involvement of governments and civil society actors.     

Civic Engagement and Civic Literacy Among Social Work Students: Where Do We Stand?

Civic engagement is pivotal to the survival of the social work profession and to our historic role in shaping the social contract. Recent studies report declining rates of civic engagement and civic literacy among Americans. This article, which was presented at the Policy Conference 2.0, examines civic engagement and civic literacy among social work students at a medium-sized program in the western United States. Findings from this study indicate that these students are more likely to be engaged in volunteering and fundraising than in politically oriented activities. Results suggest that understanding of government and democratic processes lead to more civic engagement.     

The RFad Method--a new fatigue recovery time assessment for industrial activities

This paper presents a study about fatigue recovery time assessment processes in work activities. It came about due to a demand presented by an automotive industry giant, in need of updating existing cycle time sheets and TAKT time parameters. The company decided to hire an Ergonomics Laboratory with ties to a major Brazilian University in order to evaluate current conditions and establish a new method to either calculate recovery times or validate existing assessment criteria, based in the ergonomics evaluation of the work activities. It is clear that there has been evident evolution in the industrial sector in the past two decades. It brought up fast modernization of industrial processes, not only in production but also in terms of management systems. Due to improved computer and robotics systems, combined with overall operational advancements - like the use of lighter hand tools and more effective hoist systems - most work activities have had its physical effort requirements reduced in the past decades. Thus, compensation factors built into production times need to be reviewed in order to avoid unnecessary costs associated to them. By using ergonomics considerations, we prevent simply removing the physical variables built in rest time calculations without taking on account, for example, additional cognitive load represented by the use of more sophisticated pieces of equipment.     

Democracy denied,youth participation and criminalizing digital dissent

Attention is given in this article to recent action by many liberal states to regulate and criminalize certain forms of political dissent reliant on new media. I ask how those working in the fields of youth studies and social science more generally might understand such processes of criminalizing political dissent involving young people digital media. I do this mindful of the prevailing concern about a ‘crisis in democracy’ said to be evident in the withdrawal by many young people from traditional forms of political engagement, and the need to encourage greater youth participation in democratic practices. A heuristic or guiding frame is developed to analyse how new laws, amendments to existing laws and other regulatory practices are being implemented to contain certain forms of political participation, performed in large part by young people. A case study of ‘Distributed Denial of Service action’ is offered to examine government responses to political practices which I argue constitute legitimate forms of protest and civil disobedience.     

Education for Democratic Citizenship through A Literacy‐based Approach: A Case of South African Township Children

The study contextualises the position of child citizens in the South African democracy and highlights how education for democratic citizenship is employed through a literacy‐based approach. The qualitative study was exploratory and based on a lesson presented to nine‐year‐old township children by giving them language‐related tasks. Through the children's voices we present the life experiences that expressed their need for basic services, education, extra facilities and security. We argue that children need to experience the benefits of democracy and education for democratic citizenship to build and sustain a resilient democratic society.     

Social decisions about risk and risk-taking

There has been very little contact between risk studies and more general studies of social decision processes. It is argued that as a consequence of this, an oversimplified picture of social decision processes prevails in studies of risk. Tools from decision theory, welfare economics, and moral theory can be used to analyze the intricate inter-individual relationships that need to be treated in an adequate account of social decision-making about risk. However, this is not a matter of simple or straightforward application of existing theory. It is a challenging area for new theoretical developments.     

Mobilisierung, Staat und Demokratie

The explanation of the emergence and consolidation of democratic regimes is one of the most important topics of political sociology. The main theoretical approaches can be divided into actor- and elite-theories on the one hand and structure- and modernization-theories on the other. This article combines actor- and structure-centered theories following the discussion of Lipset’s thesis of the connection between socio-economic modernization and democracy. Its theoretical starting point is the assertion that the emergence and consolidation of democratic regimes can be explained with reference to the power resources and interests of collective actors. These are determined in two ways by structural conditions: first, the social structural basis for the mobilization of collective actors changes with socio-economic modernization processes. Second, the mobilization of actors is dependent on certain conditions, which are influenced by modernization processes. The role of the state is emphasized, because the state can strongly affect the conditions of mobilization for collective actors in the civil society, and therefore block processes of democratization. The interests and power resources of state elites are not only conditioned by endogenous modernization processes, but furthermore by exogenous, geopolitical conditions. Therefore, the final result is, that socioeconomic modernization processes are a necessary but not sufficient condition for democratization.     

Just deliberation: Can communicative rationality support socially just environmental conservation in rural Africa?

This article evaluates the use of deliberative methods for filling the democratic deficit arising from the shift to management through partnerships in conservation in developing countries. We ask whether deliberative approaches are feasible in a rural African context and the extent to which they can form a basis for socially just environmental decision making. In answering these questions we focus on two main concerns: the possibility of achieving satisfactory representation and the possibility of constructing counter-factual spaces of deliberation in which identity-based bias is suspended in favour of reasoned argument. Our survey data suggests that participants are themselves satisfied that representation is fair, and that the consensus attained at the end of deliberative events is not the result of domination of more powerful interests. Nevertheless, our more qualitative observations of individuals involved in deliberative events provide stronger cause for caution. It is not possible to leave power and prejudice out of deliberative processes, though well managed spaces of deliberation can temporarily mitigate these and in doing so provide some empowerment to normally marginalised participants.     

Blogs and China correspondence: lessons about global information flows

Recent research points to the evolution of a symbiotic relationship between bloggers and the professional news media, in which blogs influence and supplement the work of journalists but do not appear to be replacing it entirely. Such relationships are developing not only on a country‐by‐country basis but also on a global scale, assisted by the phenomenon of “bridge blogs”. Will this lead to a more democratic global information order? This paper examines the China case, and the emerging relationship between blogs, bridge blogs, and foreign correspondents who cover China. It concludes that if blogs and citizen media are contributing to a more democratic global information order, it is more of a “representative” form of democracy – not a pure “many to many” global discourse that many Internet idealists had hoped.     

Placing democratization within the global frame: sociological approaches to universalism, and democratic contestation in contemporary Turkey

The process of democratization in Turkey is enhanced by both proximity to the European Union's enlargement process and universalistic discourses of personhood rights, and, at the same time, compromised by a nationalistic rejection of global human rights and democratic norms and state‐led resistance to political pluralism. One key feature of the democratization process is the way in which contending parties—the Kemalist elite, religious and ethnic minorities, the European Union—attempt to legitimise their claims by appeals to universal principles. The paper examines three sociological/social theory approaches to universalism (Beck, Laclau, Robertson) and demonstrates their usefulness for an understanding of political contestation in contemporary Turkey. It is argued that the work of these theorists allows us to move beyond a simplistic polarisation of the universal and the particular, where the state represents the universal and minorities the particular. The conceptualisation of universalism advanced by Beck, Laclau and Robertson points to the need to understand the processes of democratization within a sociologically informed globalization framework.     

Democracy between collectivism and individualism. De-nationalisation and individualisation in Swedish national identity

This article studies contemporary national identity formation in Sweden, aiming to shed light on the relationship between democracy, collectivism and individualism. Sweden is selected as a typical case of democratic states which, reflecting processes of individualisation and de-nationalisation, have endorsed individualism and rejected nationalism. Empirically, the formulation of identity is studied on an elite level. While the values of anti-nationalism and individualism have been successfully incorporated into Swedish national discourse, it does not necessarily reflect a de-nationalisation or individualisation of Swedish identity. The rejection of nationalism is a unifying national value, and individualism is in practice often subordinated to other values deemed more essential, e.g. gender equality. Finally, the democratic exclusions within the identity discourse is discussed and it is argued that cultures perceived as less individualist and more nationalist have come to function as significant others, defining Swedishness.     

The Logic of A Co‐Operative Economy and Democracy 2.0: Recovering the Possibilities for Autonomy,Creativity, Solidarity,and Common Purpose

Over the past 30 years, the collectivist‐democratic form of organization has presented a growing alternative to the bureaucratic form, and it has proliferated, here and around the world. This form is manifest, for example, within micro‐credit groups, workers’ co‐operatives, nongovernmental organizations, advocacy groups, self‐help groups, community and municipal initiatives, social movement organizations, and in many nonprofit groups in general. It is most visible in the civil society sector, but demands for deeper participation are also evident in communities and cities, and the search for more involving and less bureaucratic structures has spread into many for‐profit firms as well. Building on research on this form of organization, this article develops a model of the decisional processes utilized in such organizations and contrasts these “Democracy 2.0” standards for decision making from the Democracy 1.0 (representative and formal) standards that previously prevailed. Drawing on a new generation of research on these sorts of organizations, this article and this special section discuss: (a) how consensus decisional processes are being made more efficient; (b) how such organizations are now able to scale to fairly large size while still retaining their local and participatory basis; (c) how such organizations are cultivating a more diverse membership and using such diversity to build more democratic forms of governance; (d) how such organizations are combatting ethnoracial and gender inequalities that prevail in the surrounding society; and (e) how emotions are getting infused into the public conversations within these organizations and communities.