边界与边缘:高校学生民族服饰的认同内涵

民族服饰是少数民族在长期的生产生活中物质和精神的产物,是一个民族传统文化的表现形式,也是识别民族的最直观的符号标志.作为一个文化事象,当外部的环境发生改变时,民族服饰所蕴含的文化内涵也有了一定程度的变动,其作为族群认同的意义被凸现出来.在关注其表现的同时,我们也必须认识到族群认同在高校中的深远影响,明确认同边界与认同边缘之间的区别.     

不同文化影响下的少数民族文化认同研究述评

随着社会快速发展,全球化、多元化、中华文化、社会主义文化对少数民族自身文化认同带来巨大冲击和影响。本文从文化认同受到的文化影响来分类,研究主要集中在不同文化形态对少数民族文化认同的影响、作用。本文通过研究系统地把握少数民族文化认同的研究现状,分析现有研究存在的不足,为少数民族文化认同进一步深入研究提供参考。     

大众文化视角下的少数民族文化认同

大众文化作为现代文化的主要形态,能够促进民族间的文化交流,更新少数民族的价值观和生活方式,借助现代传媒增强少数民族的文化自觉,推进少数民族的文化认同;在平等、创新氛围中实现少数民族文化的发展和繁荣;大众文化会导致少数民族文化一定程度的自我迷失,这应引起我们的注意。     

民族认同与广西少数民族流动儿童社会融入研究

本文依据广西南宁等城市的研究样本,在多元文化视角背景下,探索民族认同对于少数民族流动儿童的社会融入影响。在探索民族认同对少数民族流动儿童社会影响的过程中,笔者发现民族认同这一理论存在一定的局限性。     

同伴交往对西南少数民族儿童民族文化认知的影响

采用自编的调查问卷,从民间故事传说、民族工艺建筑、民族禁忌、民族崇拜物、民族鬼怪神灵、民族服饰、民族节日、民族饮食这八个方面考察了同伴交往对少数民族儿童民族文化认知的影响。通过对云南丽江纳西族、迪庆藏族、澜沧拉祜族,贵州铜仁苗族、三都水族,四川凉山彝族共1 202名少数民族儿童的调查研究,发现同伴交往对少数民族儿童的民族文化认知产生不同程度的影响,这些影响在不同民族之间以及不同民族文化之间都有着显著的差异。文章分析了同伴交往对西南少数民族儿童的民族文化认知产生影响的特征及其差异性,并在此基础上进一步论述了这些特征和差异性的影响因素及其民族文化教育的启示。     

文化资本代际传承对少数民族流动人口休闲能力的影响研究——基于对8组家庭的跟踪调查

教育再生产具有明显的代际传承现象。文化资本反映和决定人们的思维方式、价值观和行为习惯,父母文化资本存量对子女休闲行为具有显著影响。通过对8组城市少数民族流动人口家庭的调查研究发现:(1)第一代少数民族流动人口的家庭文化资本普遍偏低,而且表现出明显的性别差异,其中母亲的文化资本低于父亲,在城市流动时间较长的家庭文化资本有增长的趋势;(2)少数民族流动人口家庭文化资本在休闲中表现出"三无"状态;(3)父母文化资本存量对子女休闲能力具有显著影响,普遍较低水平的文化资本导致子女较差的休闲能力水平,母亲文化资本不足进一步弱化了子女的休闲能力。     

试论“文化寻根”思潮中的少数民族书写

在20世纪80年代的＂文化寻根＂中,少数民族的族群书写和身份认同曾经有效地参与了对文学史的建构,本文从民族书写对文学话语空间的拓展、少数民族作家的＂自我表述＂与被＂他者＂表述之间的悖论、作家自我身份认同与族群身份建构的困境三个方面进行了讨论,并在这样的脉络上思考少数民族书写在＂文化寻根＂思潮中的独特价值和可能存在的问题。     

论发展少数民族地区县域“文化经济”

少数民族文化,作为少数民族劳动者价值观念、风俗习惯、心理特征、审美情趣等方面的总和,具有形态多样性、分布立体性、全民认同性等特征.发展少数民族地区县域经济,少数民族文化因素不可忽视.通过影响和作用于少数民族劳动者的思想及其经济活动,少数民族文化既能够促进县域经济发展,也可能阻碍县域经济发展.构建少数民族地区县域"文化经济",就是要通过对县域优秀文化资源进行开发和经营,充分挖掘并实现文化产业的经济效益与社会效益,在繁荣少数民族文化的同时,实现少数民族地区县域经济又好又快发展.     

试论少数民族文化的传承与革新

民族文化交融的前提是文化的多元性,少数民族在民族族源上的文化认同、历史认同,都体现着二元化和多元化等复杂性.随着少数民族文化的深入,少数民族延续的传统文化受到国家和社会的高度重视,它是一个国家发展的象征.所以,民族文化的传承与革新是促进少数民族地区文化建设以及和谐社会的重要前提.     

散居蒙古族民族文化传承困境初探

民族文化作为少数民族在长期的历史发展中创造出来的财富具有极其重要的价值。散居蒙古族作为我国少数民族群体的一个组成部分,虽然所持有的民族文化特征不再明显,却依旧作为纽带维系着各民族成员的身份认同。随着城市化、现代化带来的文化冲击、民族语言文化的缺失以及民族自身等方面的影响,散居少数民族在民族文化上面临着保护与传承困境。本文从探讨散居蒙古族文化传承困境的具体表现入手,试图寻找散居蒙古族文化传承困境的解决之道。     

Concepts of national identity and the readiness for conflict behaviour

This article examines the process of national identity formation among ethnic minorities in the Crimea – specifically, the moderation effects of concepts of national identity on interrelations between conflict indicators and readiness for conflict or compromise for two ethnic minorities in Crimea. Based on a survey in the Crimea, results show that concepts of national identity moderate the effects of ethnic identity, ethnocentrism and economic deprivation on individual conflict behaviour. Research show that civic concept of national identity significantly reduces readiness for conflict among ethnic minorities. The position of a minority within the nation regulates impact of ethnic and multicultural concepts on readiness to fight with other groups.     

Multicultural nationalism? National identities among minority groups in Scotland’s census

This paper uses data from a new question in the 2011 UK censuses of population to investigate national identities among ethnic and religious minorities. It focuses primarily on Scotland, while presenting comparative data for England and Wales. A robust comparison of national identities between different minorities in Scotland and with similar groups in other nations of Britain has previously not been possible because ethnic and religious minority groups represent a small proportion of Scotland’s population and are weakly represented in sample surveys. The new census question on national identity therefore offers an unprecedented opportunity for this kind of analysis. The analysis is used to critically evaluate previous claims of the existence of multicultural nationalism in Scotland and previous research that has suggested that Scottish identity is relatively inclusive of people in minority groups. The findings suggest that while Scottish national identity is relatively inclusive of minorities in some respects, the conclusions of previous research should be treated with some caution.     

文化融合与民族大学生国家认同教育

文化融合是一种客观的历史现象,也是现今的一种社会存在状态;是民族关系的重要内容,也是文化得以发展的重要途径。国家的概念则是近现代才从西方国家传入的新鲜产物,是生活在其地域范围内的人们对其所在国家的认识、评价与情感,主要表现于国家政治共同体和结构层面以及共同的中华民族的精神层面的认同。国家认同于国家本身、于个人都具有非常重要的意义,其中少数民族的国家认同问题显得尤为迫切。而国家认同教育是国家认同构建中的重要内容和方式。学校教育是建立国家认同的有效途径。我国的各民族的文化融合是少数民族国家认同教育的前提与基础、有力保障、表现形式,也是少数民族大学生国家认同教育的高级目标,具有重要的意义与深远的影响。我国也从中国的实际情况出发,并吸收了中国历来坚持＂和而不同＂处理民族关系的宝贵经验与优秀传统,制定出了相应的民族政策,坚定地保障民族文化融合,加强少数民族的国家认同教育,促进国家的稳定与团结。     

铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识的价值、困境及路径

大量少数民族由农村迁移至城市,既为城市的发展注入了活力,也为民族工作和城市治理带来了挑战。铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识是做好民族工作的关键,能够帮助少数民族更好地适应并融入城市生活,并有助于在城市地区进一步做好民族团结进步示范创建工作,有效破解城市治理的难题。应从完善保障城市少数民族合法权益的机制和体制,努力提高城市少数民族贫困群众的生活质量与水平,关注并及时满足城市少数民族的精神需求,充分调动和发挥城市常住少数民族群众的积极性和带头作用四个方面去铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

美国少数族群的双重认同轨迹及其影响

族群认同问题是民族问题中的核心问题。对于国际社会中处于多数的多民族国家而言,如何有效构建统一的国家认同和社会认同将是关乎国家团结统一的关键性问题。我们是谁?我们属于谁?随着族群生存环境和社会环境的变化,族群的认同总是会发生某种程度上的波动性变化,进行自我身份的再认知和认同的自我调整,这种情况在移民国家更为明显。在美国身份认同政治氛围高涨的情况下,本文通过对美国少数族群双重认同的形成、互动轨迹、影响因素及配合因素等进行综合分析,解析双重认同存在的根源,以为多民族国家加强对少数族群认同的认识和国家认同的建构提供借鉴。     

民族区域自治制度与民族关系和谐的实证研究——基于云南藏区的问卷调查

本文以问卷调查采集的数据为依据,运用实证分析的方法对云南藏区民族区域自治政策落实情况与民族关系作了相关考察。认为民族区域自治制度的实现程度与民族关系的和谐呈显著正相关;民族认同与国家认同并不相悖,国家认同高于民族认同,民族认同寓于国家认同中;民族区域自治制度巩固了平等、团结、互助、和谐的民族关系;当代中国各民族的国家认同植根于中国特色社会主义伟大实践中,并将得到进一步巩固和升华。     

Coloured South Africans: a middleman minority of another kind

Beginning in the 1940s, a literature on middleman minorities emerged to demystify the intermediary economic niche that Jews had occupied in medieval Europe. They were viewed as ethnic entrepreneurs occupying the economic status gap. In the 1960s, scholars began to systematically apply middleman minority theory to colonial societies and to American society. South Africa also has classic middleman minorities: immigrants from South Asia. This article identifies Coloured South Africans as a middleman minority of another type: semi-privileged proletarians. It also offers a typology contrasting ethnic entrepreneurs to semi-privileged proletarians.     

国外少数民族语言保护经验及其启示

在现代化和全球化背景下,少数民族语言的保护和发展是一项复杂的社会工程。发达国家在保护少数民族语言方面起步较早,本文梳理国外少数民族语言保护和发展现状,汲取少数民族语言保护的经验和教训,为保护我国少数民族语言提供借鉴。