Money in marriage

Abstract

Mrs Allonby: I dont't think we should ever be spoken about as other people's property. All men are married women's property. That is the only true definition of what married women's property really is. But we don't belong to anyone. A woman of No Importance, Oscar Wilde 1893

The author suggests that it is vital that we address money directly in our work with couples. It is an area that has been relatively neglected, both by practitioners and researchers. Everyday talk testifies to the meaning and importance that money plays in people's lives. It also conveys attitudes about the way men and women view each other and relate to one another. The psychological implications of these social attitudes for women are addressed and an agenda is suggested for further thought and research.     

Money, power and inequality within marriage

The growing body of research on the intra-household economy suggests that in couple households there are significant associations between control over household finances and more general power within the household. However, most earlier research has been based on relatively small samples. Here a major new British data set, produced by the Social Change and Economic Life Initiative, is used to examine the relations between money, power and inequality within marriage. Six different systems of financial allocation are identified. The results suggest that even when couples nominally pool their money, in practice either husband or wife is likely to control the pool. In only one fifth of couples was the pool jointly controlled, but these households were characterised by the highest levels of equality between husband and wife in terms of decision making, experience of deprivation and access to personal spending money. Findings from the study indicate a complex pattern of relationships between household income level, household allocative system and gender. Female control of finances, though it was associated with greater decision-making power for women, did not protect them against financial deprivation; however, male control of finances, especially when it took the form of the housekeeping allowance, did serve to protect the financial interests of men in comparison with women. Gender inequality was least in households with joint control of pooled money and greatest either in low income households or in higher income households with male control of finances.     

Money management systems in early marriage: Factors influencing change and stability

We know little about how couples develop their systems of money management, nor how and why these might change over time. To address these lacunae, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 42 heterosexual couples before their first marriage and again one year later. A Grounded Theory analysis was used to explore financial practices and how individuals approached monetary issues. Before the wedding the majority had rather independent monetary arrangements, but a year later, some had moved to more collective systems. Factors influencing change or stability in financial arrangements were both pragmatic (having to respond to major expenses such as house purchase or a new baby) and ideological (e.g., the relative importance of autonomy or sharing within the marriage). But an over-riding factor was perceived ownership of income and other assets. Those choosing more separation in money matters did so in order to maintain their financial identity and autonomy. However, there was evidence that such systems can sow the seeds of inequality later if women curtail their employment to provide childcare.     

Money in marriage: how patterns of allocation both reflect and conceal power

This paper examines perceptions of money within marriage, focusing upon the concepts of control and ownership. It considers the criteria involved in Pahl's (1983; 1989) typology for the allocation of income, and their ability to capture the dynamic perceptual elements associated with change. These issues were explored by means of data from semi-structured interviews, using mainly middle-class couples (thirteen women and nine of their partners) in the 30–50 year age-range. Most of the women were in the process of returning to the labour market following an absence of at least eight years. The findings demonstrate, on the one hand, that Pahl's revised typology (1989), which includes an emphasis on the person possessing overall control, can be used to trace major shifts in the balance of economic power as a function of the life-cycle and associated changes in the source of income. On the other hand, the findings also show that a couple's report of their financial arrangements, concerning the Spooling’ of income, can yield the erroneous impression that resources are equally shared. In particular, the ‘rights’ of ownership associated with having earned the income may remain hidden, and lead to patterns of overall control with potential consequences for a non-earning, dependent partner.     

Cohabitation before marriage

This study compares 159 married couples who had or had not lived together previous to marriage with respect to a number of demographic and personality variables. There were few differences between the two groups on background variables but many on personality traits. Males who had cohabited perceived themselves as more androgynous, attractive, and less religious than males who did not cohabit. Females who cohabited saw themselves as more interested in art, attractive, extroverted, intelligent, liberal, androgynous, and having more leadership qualities; while being less religious, clothes-conscious, and law-abiding than women who did not cohabit. Couples who cohabited showed significantly greater sexual experimentation and self-perception accuracy than the couples who did not cohabit. Cohabitors revealed some background and trait within-group differences as a function of the length of their cohabital experiences. The majority of differences between the groups were in terms of variables assessed on the females. Theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. Authors' Note: This investigation was supported in part by a Research Scientist Development Award (K02-DA00017) and a research grant (DA01070) from the U.S. Public Health Service. The assistance of Deborah Cabin is gratefully acknowledged.     

Exorcising myths and taboos in Romanian society

George Voicu, Mitul lui Nae Ionescu (The Myth of Nae Ionescu) (Bucharest: Ars Docendi, 2000). 202pp. ISBN 973–8118–26–3

George Voicu, Zeii cei rãi: Cukura conspiratiei in România postcomunistã (Evil Gods: The Cult of Conspiracy in Post‐communist Romania) (Bucharest: Polirom, 2000). 245pp. Index. ISBN 973–683–593–6

George Voicu, Teme antisémite în discursul public (Anti‐Semitic Themes in Public Discourse) (Bucharest: Ars Docendi, 2000), 233pp. ISBN 973–8118–29–8     

Changing marriage patterns

Abstract

In recent times marriage has seemingly become less popular, more fragile and less of an exclusive setting for having children. This paper examines recent changes in marriage, cohabitation, divorce and re-marriage patterns. It suggests that much of the decline in marriage rates, seen since the beginning of the 1970s, is likely to be due to people marrying at increasingly older ages, rather than a wholesale rejection of marriage. One of the more important elements influencing changes in marriage patterns is the rise in cohabitation. We track the development of cohabitation and note that it is now virtually a majority practice prior to marrying and commonplace prior to a re-marriage. Few cohabitations continue for extended periods

Cohabitation generally precedes rather than substitutes for marriage. However, a growing minority of couples are no longer marrying before becoming parents and this has contributed to the recent doubling in the proportion of extra-marital births. Over recent decades more people have been divorcing and divorcing earlier in marriage. Re-marriage remains a popular option, although there have been marked declines in re-marriage rates which may be due to more divorced people cohabiting and cohabiting for longer periods     

Dyslexia: Dispelling the myths

It is argued that a number of myths are held by a range of educationalists about why parents seek to have their children labelled dyslexic. The present study shows many of these myths to be untrue and illustrates how proper dialogue with children and parents can lead to a better understanding of the social and emotional as well as academic consequences of a specific learning disability such as dyslexia.     

Persistent marriage regimes in changing times

Marriage among women in Latin America occurs early in life and is nearly universal in spite of the social and economic changes and instability in the region. We use demographic measures to illustrate the precociousness, persistence, and universality of marriage during the past 50 years. We argue that marriage is central to social life because families serve as an important cultural institution for countering the vicissitudes of the economy. Women's roles within families and households are key, as has been illustrated by the growth of literature on household survival strategies during the 1980s and 1990s, when the region experienced widespread economic crisis and restructuring.     

The transition to marriage

Cohabitation has often been viewed as easing the transition to marriage. The question is therefore asked, what characterizes relationships in which couples live together for an extended period of time prior to marriage, then decide to marry, and within two to three years are divorced? Four groups were interviewed (cohabitated/married; cohabitated/married/divorced; dated/married; dated/married/divorced) with the hope of analyzing the differences or similarities in the marital transitions made by individuals within these groups. The total sample consisted of 40 respondents who were given an in-depth, face-to-face interview. It was found that the degree of congruence between dyad members regarding perceptions and expectations surrounding marriage and marital life was an important factor in the success with which couples were able to make the marital transition.     

Revisiting asymmetric marriage rules

Although generalized exchange remains an emblematical model of alliance theory, characterizing matrimonial systems as pertaining to this model is tricky. The necessary condition of generalized exchange is the deliberate preference for asymmetric exchanges. Given a marriage dataset, can we determine whether the observed pattern is due to the realization of a social norm enjoining symmetric or asymmetric exchange or is the result of random processes? Here, relevant probabilities and indexes are established in the framework of graph theory, and are validated using a demographic individual-based model. The methods are applied to three datasets from the literature, allowing to assess with great confidence that the observed marriage configurations were not random.     

Heterosexual alternatives to marriage

The purpose of this study is to test perceptions regarding the sexuality of older persons and the appropriateness of alternatives to marriage for intimacy. Using data gathered from a random sample of 211 adult residents of a Southern city, we find that older persons are judged to be sexual beings and that some support exists for alternative outlets for sexual expression.     

Commercially arranged marriage and the negotiation of citizenship rights among Vietnamese marriage migrants in multiracial Singapore

Globalization and increased mobilities have multiplied cross-border transactions not only in the economic sphere but have also a major impact on human relationships of intimacy. This can be seen in the increased volume of differently mediated forms of international marriage, not just straddling ‘east’ and ‘west’, but within Asia and across different ethnicities and nationalities. International marriage raises a host of social issues for countries of origin and destination, including challenges relating to the citizenship status and rights of the marriage migrant. This paper examines the negotiation of citizenship rights in the case of commercially matched marriage migrants – namely Vietnamese women who marry Singaporean men and migrate to Singapore as ‘foreign brides’. While they are folded into the ‘family’ – what is often thought of as the basic building block of the nation in Asian societies – they are not necessarily accorded full incorporation into the ‘nation’ despite Singapore's claims to multiculturalism. This is particularly salient at a point when cross-nationality, cross-ethnicity marriages between Singapore citizens and non-citizens are on the increase, accounting for over a third of marriages registered in Singapore in recent years. Vietnamese women who marry Singaporeans are positioned within the nation-state's citizenship regime as dependents of Singaporean men, having to rely on the legitimacy of the marriage relationship as well as the whims of their husbands in negotiating their rights vis-à-vis the Singapore state. Drawing on interviews and ethnographic work with 20 Vietnamese women who are commercially matched marriage migrants, the paper first focuses on the vulnerable positions these women find themselves, particularly given difficulties in forging their own support networks as well as weaknesses of the civil society sector in what has been called an ‘illiberal democracy’ characterized by a political culture of ‘non-resistance’. The paper then goes on to examine the way they negotiate rights to residency/citizenship, work and children within webs of asymmetrical power relations within the family and the nation-state. We draw on our findings to show that citizenship is ‘a terrain of struggle’ within a multicultural nation-state shaped by social ideologies of gender, race and class and negotiated on an everyday basis within spheres of family intimacy.     

Women,children and marriage in Swaziland

While sociologists have long theorized that marriage is an almost universal institution developed to create stable units for the rearing of children, data from interviews with 100 rural and 25 urban women in Swaziland in 1988-89 reveal that these assumptions reflect narrow ethnocentric views rather than the relationship between marriage and children which exists in Swaziland where there is a prevailing pattern of early childbearing and later marriage. Whereas half of all Swazi mothers aged 20-30 are unmarried, this proportion drops to a third by age 40 and to a fifth by age 50. It is popular to state that the reason that marriage is not a prerequisite for child-bearing is that a deterioration of morals has accompanied the erosion of traditional morals. However, a careful reading of early essays reveals that the practice is of long standing. In fact, not only is this a normal pattern in Swazi society, there are well understood rules for allocating the responsibility of children outside of marriage which are being strained by the spread of industrial capitalism. The customs which accompany premarital child-bearing include the father paying a compensation (5 cattle) to the mother's family for the birth, the father having the right to "buy" the child, and the traditional right of the king to forbid marriage to warriors. This system of premarital conception has resulted in a very high birthrate and has been fostered by the homestead system with its kinship networks and shared resources. A growing ambivalence to children can be seen in the fact that the marriage rituals which give a husband the right to his wife's sexuality rather than those which involve the paying of a price for the rights to the children are the most commonly performed. In addition, the old image of the natural father proudly asserting his rights to his children is rarely seen in modern Swaziland. The mother's family, from which the child can be claimed at any time up until puberty, tries to avoid investing heavily in a resource (the child) which may be snatched away. The fact that most mothers now assign the father's name to their children indicates their willingness to have the child appropriated. In the meantime, the women are expected to be the sole providers for their children.