文化资本与地位获得对浙江某市私营企业主子女上向流动的个案分析

本文通过个案,分析探索转型期的私营企业主是如何看待“向上流动”的。被访的私营企业主依据文化资本把自己归入社会中下层,他们期望并力图使子代通过教育进入体制,从而实现向上流动。而他们的子代在进入体制失败后无奈地“子承父业”,没有实现他们所认同的向上流动。文中重点分析了文化资本在私营企业主自我定位和其子代谋求向上流动过程中的影响。正是这些源于制度与文化的影响使私营企业主认同积累文化资本才是实现向上流动的唯一途径。     

香港市民阶层流动意识探析:结构与认同下难圆的“香港梦”

1960年代香港经济的腾飞给香港市民带来了乐观的阶层流动意识,“香港梦”成了描述香港社会阶层结构相对开放的一个大众话语。但1980年代中期以来,阶层结构进入一个稳定的时期,客观的远距离阶层流动消失,这种乐观感也随之消失,1990年代的金融风暴和住房泡沫的破灭,使香港进入了一个“中下流”社会。本文基于阶层化的理论,以经验数据为准,发现中下层的市民客观阶层与主观阶层定位都处于低下地位,而拥有比较悲观的向上流动意识,这反过来又制约他们向上流动,“香港梦”失去了现实的社会基础。     

Essential Components of Group Work with Black Americans

The article addresses what the author believes to be some of the fundamentals of group work with Black Americans. Three areas of concern are given priority: knowledge of Black Americans, knowledge of group dynamics pertinent to conducting groups which contain one or more black members, and the importance of employing group work models which have a strong person-environment focus. The article is written from a "before you practice group work with Black Americans" perspective. It is addressed principally to black and white group practitioners, who lead either racially homogenous or heterogenous groups.     

Subjective Social Status,Income Inequality and Subjective Perceptions of Mobility (2003-2013)*

Using a sample of over 90,000 urban and rura1 residents from the Chinese Social Survey (CSS) and China Genera1 Social Survey (CGSS) from 2003 to 2013, we analyzed the structural features and influencing factors underlying subjective social status in China. Our findings indicate that over these years, such identification has consistently assumed the shape of a bowling pin: those who “identify with a low social status” account for more than half of respondents, a much higher proportion than in most countries. At the individual level, the net effect on subjective social status of such objective indicators as education, income and occupation has been relatively small, and lessened over the ten years. The correlation between subjective perceptions of mobility and subjective social status is quite strong, but the upward impetus provided by perceptions of upward mobility weakened over the period. At the macro-level, the tempo of economic growth failed to raise the level of class identification, and income inequality had a markedly negative effect. Our research findings further demonstrate that curbing the income gap and increasing opportunities for mobility are important for raising the level of class identification during the transition period.     

Race From the Inside: An Emerging Heterogeneous Race Model

Race matters, influencing life experiences. Race is not a simple concept, and it is not a single category. Racial identity theories, however, typically handle race as a simple Black-White dichotomy that overlooks within-group heterogeneity, substituting a subgroup—young, low socioeconomic status, darker skinned men—for all African Americans. The centrality of this subgroup image reifies what it means to be Black but excludes African Americans who are women, middle class, and so on. We provide an overview of the situation of African Americans, high-lighting within-group diversity in everyday experiences related to gender, socioeconomic status, and physical attributes, including skin tone. Understanding the implications of race from an insider's perspective requires that we view it as a heterogeneous category.     

Reactions to the O. J. Simpson Verdict: "Mindless Tribalism" or Motivated Inference Processes?

The difference in opinion between White Americans and Black Americans as to whether O. J. Simpson is guilty of murder can be understood within the context of the literature on motivated inference. Both self-serving and group-serving motives can lead to bias in how people gather, interpret, and integrate evidence. The current study revealed that the relative salience of race and gender in women's self-concepts (measured by the Twenty Statements Test) was associated with different beliefs about Simpson's innocence or guilt. Although Black women were more likely than White women to believe that Simpson was not guilty, this was more true for Black women who spontaneously self-identified in terms of race. Similarly, when gender was an accessible aspect of identity, women were more likely to believe that Simpson was guilty. High need for cognition (i.e., the tendency to engage in effortful cognitive activity) actually magnified some of these differences.     

社会流动与政治信任：基于CGSS2006数据的实证研究

本文通过中国综合社会调查（CGSS2006）数据,详细分析了中国的社会流动对民众政治信任的影响。研究表明,中国30年的改革开放和经济发展为民众提供了大量向上流动的机会,并给他们带来改善生活的希望。人们所经历的向上代际流动和代内流动,以及对向上流动的感知与预期都显著增强了他们的政治信任。结果显示,社会经济发展为人们带来的向上流动的经历与期望有助于维护社会政治稳定。     

Optimism in the Face of Despair: Black‐White Differences in Beliefs About School as a Means for Upward Social Mobility*

Objective. This study aims to provide a better understanding of how beliefs about the system of social mobility affect students' schooling outcomes. Previous studies reach conflicting conclusions because they conflate two forms of beliefs about social mobility (i.e., perceived value of school and perceived barriers despite schooling). Methods. The Maryland Adolescence Development In Context Study (MADICS) is used to examine black‐white differences in beliefs about the value of school and barriers to upward mobility despite schooling and how these beliefs predict academic achievement and educational attainment. Results. The analyses show that relative to whites, blacks hold stronger beliefs in both the value of school and barriers to social mobility, and have greater affective attitudes toward schooling. However, belief in barriers to social mobility is not consequential for academic outcomes. Conclusions. Beliefs about upward mobility are mechanisms by which the opportunity structure influences individuals' schooling behaviors and making clear distinctions between various beliefs about the system of social mobility can refine the understanding of this link. This study suggests that individuals make nuanced distinctions about the role of schooling for upward mobility, each with separate effects on academic outcomes.     

Scaling the Socioeconomic Ladder: Low-Income Women's Perceptions of Class Status and Opportunity

This study examined how 69 low-income women enrolled in an educational training program perceived social class and upward mobility. Participants identified their social class during childhood, their current status, and their anticipated post graduate status. Beliefs about income inequality and attributions for wealth and poverty were also assessed. Respondents expected to achieve middle class status and perceived higher education as a route to upward mobility, although the accessibility of post-secondary programs was questioned. Consistent with previous research involving low-income groups ( Bullock, 1999 ; Kluegel & Smith, 1986 ), structural attributions for poverty and wealth were favored over individualistic causes. Also, respondents perceived income inequality as unjust. The construction of class identity and implications for class-based mobilization are discussed .

It [the American dream] means the opportunity to go as far in life as your abilities will take you. Anyone in America can aspire to be a doctor, a teacher, a police officer or even, as Oprah said, a President. But you can't get any of those important jobs if you don't have the opportunity to acquire the skills you need … . And that's why I believe that the key to the American Dream is education.
—————Former President George Herbert Walker Bush, 1997

     

“Wearing a Mask Won't Protect Us from Our History”: The Impact of COVID-19 on Black Children and Families

The data on COVID-19 show an irrefutable and disturbing pattern: Black Americans are contracting and dying from COVID-19 at rates that far exceed other racial and ethnic groups. Due to historical and current iterations of racism, Black Americans have been forced into conditions that elevate their risk for COVID-19 and consequently place Black children at the epicenter of loss across multiple domains of life. The current paper highlights the impact of the pandemic on Black children at the individual, family, and school levels. Based on an understanding of the influence of structural racism on COVID-19 disparities, policy recommendations are provided that focus on equitable access to quality education, home ownership, and employment to fully address the needs of Black children and families during and after the pandemic. Research, practice, and policy recommendations are made to journal editors, funding agencies, grant review panels, and researchers regarding how research on COVID-19 should be framed to inform intervention efforts aimed at improving the situation of Black children and families.     

北京社会阶层结构的变迁及优化

通过研究改革开放30多年北京社会阶层结构的变迁,认为北京的社会阶层结构已经从“士字形”“金字塔形”转变为当前的“橄榄形”,但还不是“中产社会”,存在城乡分割的阶层体系和功能区阶层结构的四个世界,而且阶层结构有断裂倾向的特点。因此,提出培育中产社会、提高中间阶层质量、创置下层向上流动机制以及弥合社会阶层结构裂痕的治理对策。     

Explaining political trust among African Americans: Examining demographic, media, and social capital and social networks effects

African Americans routinely have lower levels of political trust compared with whites. Explanations of their political trust remain rather unexamined. Using data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study, this analysis examines three models to test how demographic characteristics, the media, and social capital and social networks influence political trust among African Americans. The results show modest support for the models. However, social location as measured by demographic characteristics is most important for explaining the political trust of African Americans.     

相对收入与主观幸福感:检验农民工的多重参照群体

尽管社会经济地位低于城市居民，农民工的主观幸福感却更高。这种客观经济地位与主观福利评判的不一致有两种解释：同质性参照群体假设和向上流动期望假设，暗示农民工在进行社会比较时会选择不同的参照群体。基于一项大规模全国代表性的调查数据，本文通过建构农民工的多个参照群体检验了上述假设，结果验证了同质性参照群体假设：控制个人收入后，同省其他农民的平均收入越高，农民工的生活满意度越低；加入农民的平均收入后，农民工相对于城市就业居民的生活满意度优势消失，甚至转为劣势。向上流动期望假设未获支持：城市就业居民的平均收入对农民工的生活满意度没有显著影响，而且这样的“零效应”可能并非由于向上流动期望的压抑影响造成的。     

Tracing the Historical Origins of Youth Delinquency & Violence: Myths & Realities About Black Culture

The negative effects of slavery have been theoretically linked to contemporary problems faced by African Americans, such as family instability, low achievement motivation, and high rates of juvenile delinquency and youth violence. Combining historical, sociological, and psychological materials, the current analysis argues that Blacks exited slavery with the necessary social capital, inclusive of proactive family attitudes and patterns as well as high achievement motivation, for rapid acculturation into mainstream America. Shifting to the present, it is shown that the co-existence of high Black crime rates and Black cultural integrity are not contradictory, especially when systemic forces neutralize or undermine the ameliorative potential of Black culture.     

Strengthening Social Programs to Promote Economic Stability During Childhood

Economic instability has increased in recent decades and is higher for families with low incomes and Black families. Such instability is thought to be driven primarily by precarious work and unstable family structure. In addition, the social safety net has become less of a stabilizing force for low-income families, in part because benefits are often tied to employment and earnings. Too much change in economic circumstances may disrupt investments in children, parenting practices, and family routines—particularly if the economic changes are unpredictable, undesired, or not part of upward mobility. Given the considerable evidence that economic circumstances affect child health and development, economic stability can and should be an important goal of multiple policy domains. In this report, we describe economic instability, review the pertinent theories for considering how economic instability might matter to children, and describe ideas for policies that could reduce or moderate instability. We include policies that reduce instability in earnings, use public assistance to stabilize income or reduce material hardship, or enhance parents' capacity to deal with or avoid instability.     

Conspiracy beliefs about HIV/AIDS and birth control among African Americans: implications for the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancy

In this article, we examine the potential role that conspiracy beliefs regarding HIV/AIDS (e.g., "HIV is a manmade virus") and birth control (e.g., "The government is trying to limit the Black population by encouraging the use of condoms") play in the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancies among African Americans in the United States. First, we review prior research indicating that substantial percentages of African Americans endorse conspiracy beliefs about HIV/AIDS and birth control. Next, we present a theoretical framework that suggests how conspiracy beliefs influence sexual behavior and attitudes. We then offer several recommendations for future research. Finally, we discuss the policy and programmatic implications of conspiracy beliefs for the prevention of HIV, other STIs, and unintended pregnancy .     

Failure to Address African Americans’ Spiritual Needs During Hospitalization: Identifying Predictors of Dissatisfaction Across the Arc of Service Provision

Using a national sample of recently hospitalized older African Americans (N = 2,227), this study identified predictors of dissatisfaction with the manner in which clients’ spiritual needs were addressed during hospitalization. Of 8 major areas of service provision examined, 3 were significant predictors of dissatisfaction: nurses, physicians, and the discharge process. The findings underscore the importance of collaborative efforts to address elderly Black clients’ spiritual needs. Social workers, who frequently oversee the discharge process, can play an important role in addressing African Americans’ spiritual needs by developing discharge plans that incorporate clients’ spiritual strengths and resources into the planning process.     

Nineteenth century African-American and White biological living conditions in Texas

Using a source of 19th century Texas state prison inmate records, the present study contrasts the biological living conditions of comparable 19th century African and European Americans. Average Black stature ironically increased during the antebellum period and decreased immediately after emancipation, while average White stature declined throughout the second half of the 19th century. Texas Black BMI values declined during the late 19th and early 20th centuries; however, White BMI values increased, indicating considerable 19th century biological inequality by race. Therefore, the known material inequality that existed in the 19th century American South is reinforced with biological markers.     

Intergenerational income mobility and inequality in South Korea

Using data from the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study (KLIPS), recent trends in intergenerational income mobility were explored, examining the relationship between income mobility and income inequality in South Korea. The study found that the intergenerational elasticity of income is about 0.2 and there is no clear‐cut trend in intergenerational income mobility. In addition, this study showed that there is no systematic relation between rising income inequality and intergenerational income mobility in contemporary Korea. Overall, the results indicate that intergenerational income mobility is irresponsive to the income inequality the respondents experienced growing up. It is assumed that education and welfare transfer programs might offset the consequences of income inequality by leading to upward mobility for children from low‐income households.     

From Every Tribe and Nation? Blacks and the Christian Right*

Objectives. The Christian Right is predominantly made up of white evangelicals but in recent years, the movement has attempted to include African Americans in social policy initiatives. This article examines support for the Christian Right from African Americans. Methods. The article is based on an analysis of data from the 1996 and 2000 National Election Studies and data from the Religion and Politics Survey, 2000. Results. The study finds that social conservatism does not predict support for the Christian Right from blacks like it does for whites but that evangelical affiliation predicts support from both groups. Black women are more likely to support the organization than are black men. Conclusions. The insignificant effect of social conservatism on blacks' attitudes toward the Christian Right raises questions as to how the movement can best appeal to this minority group. At the very least, the Christian Right does not appear to have solidified support from African Americans on the basis of shared convictions related to abortion and gay rights. Support for the Christian Right from African Americans remains difficult to measure and largely unpredictable.