巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的发展状况、社会根源与影响

在国内政治、经济、宗教和教育以及外部力量等因素作用下,巴基斯坦宗教学校自20世纪80年代以来迅猛发展。当前,宗教学校数量之多、影响之大,前所未有。宗教学校是社会下层实现自下而上流动的主要途径,但由于教学内容和方法落伍,难以为社会培养高素质的宗教人才。宗教政党以宗教学校为基地,成为一支不受政府控制的重要社会政治力量。部分宗教学校对巴基斯坦社会稳定及地区和国际安全产生了不利影响。九一一事件之后,穆沙拉夫政府在美国压力之下推行宗教学校改革,但是效果不佳。     

现代性语境下的公民宗教

公民宗教不是具有独立建制实体和教义旨趣的宗教，而是一种“社会精神结构”的宗教性。公民宗教的形成和出现是有条件的，它是现代社会理性化和分化的产物，是传统宗教的世俗替代物，但并非所有的民族国家都有公民宗教，也并非所有的社会集团都能从他们的政治神话中创建神学。公民宗教是在宗教与政治充满张力的语境下提出的。《圣经》的神话式隐喻与罗马的共和德性是公民宗教保持活力的两翼。盎格鲁-美国式的公民宗教是公民以公民身份使公民宗教成为可能。公民宗教所回应的现代性问题是如何在个体化的社会中实现社会的团结。     

基督教教义与现代法律制度

在西方,基督教教义孕育了现代法律的理念,已成为法律历史学家和法律社会学家共同的看法。在16世纪以前,宗教、道德和法律混合在一起,成为古代社会控制的主要工具;16世纪之后,随着人类理智的开化和科学技术的进步,法律的世俗性质日见突出,宗教对法律的影响由显性转向隐性。即使如此,现代法律制度也无处不显示着基督教教义的影子。学者们从不同视角进行的研究阐释也进一步证成了这一论断。     

对宗教组织之信任的探索性研究——以上海数据为例

本文利用上海市的调查数据,从宗教归属、人口学变量、社会经济地位因素、社会信任、社会参与和其他机构信任等方面对宗教组织信任进行分析,了解人们对宗教组织信任的现状及影响因素,并对相关的研究进行回应。结果显示,与对其它机构的信任相比,民众对宗教组织的信任处于一个较低水平;宗教归属、社会信任、组织参与和对世俗机构的信任对宗教组织信任的影响最大;阶层、社会参与也有一定的影响;性别、年龄、受教育程度和政治面貌等无影响。     

美国人的宗教情结

在美国这个由移民及移民后代组成的社会里,以信仰上帝为核心的各派基督教,形成为一种不能忽视的重要社会力量.虽然政教分离是美国的一项基本国策,但是,美国人的宗教情结非常浓厚,基督教意识根深蒂固,基督教的影响已经渗入到社会生活的每一个角落.教会对教育的介入是以传播宗教思想、宗教信仰为目的的,许多宗教信念,如基督教的仁爱与平等的主张,与人类的企求相吻合,与社会文明的前进方向相吻合.教会对美国国家事务和社会生活的介入,既有积极意义又有消极作用.     

宗教与哲学互动关系刍议

宗教和哲学是人类认识绝对的两种智慧方式,是普遍真理的不同表现形态,宗教不能取代哲学,哲学也不能取代宗教,存在于它们之间的是一种合作伙伴关系,而唯有它们的合作才能完整地实现人类对绝对的追求和对最高真理的把握。另一方面,宗教与哲学的互动又可以给彼此带来较为积极的影响,这种影响主要表现为:宗教从哲学那里获得丰富的思想资源和教义或者学说论证方面的理性技艺,而哲学则从宗教那里获得了鼓舞其探索活动的强烈的情感支持。更进一步,宗教和哲学的自我理解多是在它们彼此的对立、区分、划界和宽容式相互对待中实现出来的。     

宗教与美国的外交政策

由美国核心文化WASP和"公民宗教"所塑造的美国国家特质中的宗教性,尤其是强烈的宗教认同感和宗教信仰在其社会生活中的重要地位,使得宗教的影响力相比别国而言更容易渗透到美国外交政策中。宗教价值观念是"美国例外论"和"天命观"的主要根源,在外交政策上表现为"威尔逊主义"外交理念,进而对美国外交决策者的外交思维和外交行为造成影响,并形成对外输出民主价值观念的政策偏好。国内宗教团体利用广泛的社会资本,通过民主的渠道,将自身的政策主张上升到外交决策中并影响美国对外关系的议事日程。传教士利用自身对对象国的了解,为外交决策者提供情报,并有可能受邀参与决策过程从而影响外交决策。     

宗教经济与经济宗教简论——基于宗教意识形态与经济的关系的视域

所谓宗教经济是指因宗教活动而产生的一系列生产、交换、分配与消费等经济行为的总称.而经济宗教则是指宗教组织为了维持自身运行的需要不得不发生的一系列经济行为,从而使宗教本身在客观上具有了一定的经济职能和性质.宗教经济与经济宗教两者所关涉的核心问题都是利益,前者是经济利益,后者是宗教利益.从积极意义上讲,宗教信仰能促进商品、市场的发展,推动社会经济文化的交流,引导大众的经济行为朝良性取向.同时,宗教的人文精神和价值观念对科学发展也有一定的推动作用,从而间接地作用于经济社会生活.随着宗教经济和经济宗教活动的日益活跃,依法管理宗教经济与以经济手段解决经济宗教中出现的问题并重,防止宗教产品的过量生产与宗教资源的过多消费而影响社会资源配置和冲击民众信仰,将成为处理我国宗教经济和经济宗教问题的正确方式.     

文化与美国外交:一种宗教视角的分析

在西方文化观中,美国文化具有鲜明的宗教性.宗教文化对美国外交的影响体现在三大方面:源于宗教的使命感强化了美国外交中的孤立主义与干涉主义:美利坚民族信奉的宗教自由理念在20世纪90年代的国际大背景下促使美国政府出台国际宗教自由法,由此加剧了国际社会在人权问题上的冲突:20世纪后期宗教保守主义的复兴强化了美国对外政策中的宗教神学色彩.     

研究中国宗教的社会学范式——杨庆堃眼中的中国社会宗教

摘要：本文通过杨庆堃教授对中国宗教极其卓越和具有开创性的研究,来审视中国宗教的社会学范式。杨氏的《中国社会中的宗教》是一部堪称现代经典的华丽巨著,是中国宗教社会学研究的典范之作,是社会学学者研究中国宗教的重要参考书,具有极高的学术价值和理论创新意义。相对于西方宗教的制度性,杨氏提出发散性宗教的概念,指出散开宗教的信仰和仪式有机会发展为有组织的社会体系,同时它是作为社会组织模式整体的一部分,在散开的形式中,宗教发挥着多样的功能,以组织的方式出现在中国社会生活中。杨氏是第一个从宽阔的社会学角度来证明中国宗教存在形式、合理性以及历史传统的华裔学者,对于其后学者的研究奠定了重要的学术基础。     

Business Interest Group Power and Temporary Assistance to Needy Families*

Objectives. Our aim is to test the influence of business interest groups on Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) policy at the state level. Methods. We use the state TANF guarantee, the length of time recipients have before they lose their benefits, and the existence of a “family cap” as dependent variables in three models. Each of the models tests business interest group power and several other measures that represent possible influences on the dependent variable. Results. We find that business interest group power is significantly related to both the generosity of the TANF guarantee and to TANF time limits. However, it is not related to the presence of the family cap in state TANF policy. Conclusions. The evidence we found is consistent with the idea that those state TANF policies that are most intimately related to business interests are just those policies that are most affected by business group influence. States' TANF policies regarding maximum benefit and time limits both have a direct impact on wealth redistribution and labor‐market behavior. On the other hand, business interest groups do not seem to have much influence on the presence of TANF family caps, policies that are arguably less the concern of business interest groups, and more connected to public attitudes toward families and children.     

Culture Wars in State Education Policy: A Look at the Relative Treatment of Evolutionary Theory in State Science Standards*

Objectives. Students of public policy have recognized that not all policies are completely or mostly shaped by socioeconomic factors. Some policies, known as morality policies, derive from the deeply held values and beliefs of effective participants in the policy‐making process. To better understand this distinct policy category and where it exists, policy analysts must test for the impact of both socioeconomic forces and explanatory factors developed in morality politics theory (particularly religious contexts). This study attempts to explain differences in state science education standards with regard to stipulated instruction in evolutionary theory as morality policy. Methods. A cross‐sectional study of the American states employing ordinary least squares and logistic regression analysis assesses the impact of popular evangelical adherence over the presence of evolution‐friendly state science standards, ceteris paribus. Results. Socioeconomic factors inadequately explain the variation in state science standards. Furthermore, these standards are morality policies with clearly defined religious implications and are better explained by state religious divisions than by other cultural forces such as state ideological context. Conclusion. This study demonstrates that some policies have clear implications for religious beliefs and may represent a subcategory of morality policy. These kinds of policies are better explained by religious contexts than other political and cultural determinants of morality policies.     

Prophetic at Any Price? Clergy Political Behavior and Utility Maximization*

Objective. I examine the degree to which U.S. clergy might be considered utility maximizers in determining whether to undertake political behavior among their parishioners. Specifically, I investigate whether mainline Protestant clergy elect not to engage in political activities due to a general concern that their behavior might lead to a downturn in parishioner contributions. Methods. Six maximum likelihood models are employed to analyze survey data of clergy in the Presbyterian Church, USA, and the Episcopal Church, USA. Results. Evidence from six maximum likelihood models shows that clergy are less likely to undertake political behavior when this financial motive is in play, suggesting that even religious elites are susceptible to the maximization motive. Conclusions. These results have implications for elites in voluntary organizations more generally. An example is interest group leaders who might be compelled to take the views of their rank‐and‐file members into account in making policy when group solvency is a concern. Overall, these findings advance the literatures on clergy politics, interest groups, and elite theory, and recommend a reexamination of the general assumptions about elite influence in organizational settings—both religious and secular.     

Community Service Use by Older Adults: The Roles of Sociocultural Factors in Rural–Urban Differences

ABSTRACT

This study examined the influence of sociocultural factors in explaining the rural–urban differences in home and community-based service (HCBS) use among older adults. Survey data of 228 older adults living in Alabama were analyzed. Sociocultural factors included participants’ perceptions of service availability, attitudes toward seeking formal help, informal support, and religious behaviors. Rural older adults were less likely to use HCBS than their urban counterparts (p < .05). An interaction effect between perceived service availability and church attendance was found. These findings suggest a need for collaborations between community aging services with religious organizations to ensure existing programs are accessible to older adults living in rural areas. Future research based upon large probability samples is needed to shed more light on the relation between church attendance and service use.     

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

The Impact of Church Activities and Socialization on African‐American Religious Commitment*

Objective. This article examines religious commitment (church involvement, private devotionalism, and religious salience) among African Americans as a function of being served by a religious congregation, perception of the historical role of the church in relation to the group, and religious and racial socialization. Methods. Drawing on traditional Christian expectations of the church, hypotheses are tested using the 1979–1980 National Survey of Black Americans. Three alternative models are tested that explicitly compare the effects of church activities with conventional socialization and demographic models of religious commitment. Results. The results show that the church's fulfillment of its normative roles of discipleship and ministry is profoundly important for understanding religiosity, even controlling for other conventional predictors. Conclusions. The analysis illustrates a central, and previously unaddressed, link between religious institutions and individual religiosity. The results have consequences for churches that might consider reprioritizing their activities in response to faith‐based initiatives because social‐service types of church activities influence religious commitment to a lesser degree than activities that emphasize spiritual growth.     

Social status, values, and support for reform in education

Using a survey of Ohio and Indiana residents, we analyze the extent to which public support for school vouchers and school finance reform is structured by the same socioeconomic interests and values (equality, humanitarianism, individualism, and limited government) as is public support for contentious welfare policies. Disadvantaged individuals and individuals who live in disadvantaged communities are more likely to support vouchers but social status has a more ambiguous influence on support for finance reform. Values cannot explain the effect of social status on support for these education policies, but they exert independent effects. We speculate that disadvantaged individuals are more likely to see vouchers as in their interests than are advantaged individuals because voucher advocates have allied themselves with social movements and organizations representing clear constituencies (religious conservatives, low-income urban parents). On the other hand, we suggest that finance reform is more of an abstract issue because its advocates have mostly concentrated on intragovernmental litigation, and thus cleavages based on social status tend to be more obscured.     

Resources and strategies of interest groups and industry representatives involved in federal forest policy

This study analyzes the resources and strategies of public interest groups and industry representatives involved in federal forest policy in the state of Oregon during the early 1990s. While many studies have examined the role of interest groups in the policy process, few have compared empirically the resources available and strategies pursued by industry representatives and public interest groups in a particular policy domain. Utilizing survey data from 133 business representatives and 326 public interest groups involved in federal forest policy, the study argues that public interest group influence derives primarily from the ability to mobilize human resources; the financial resources of these groups tend to be modest. Industry and industry-supported groups, in contrast, possess considerable financial power while enjoying less support from the public. Consequently, industry interests tend to focus their efforts on more traditional forms of influence such as the persistent lobbying of natural resource agencies and elected officials. Public interest groups, in contrast, tend to devote considerable efforts to building public support in urban core areas to build the capacity to pressure governmental decision-makers.     

Reinforcing substantive religious inequality: a critical analysis of submissions to the Review of Freedom of Religion and Belief in Australia Inquiry

The parties contributing to the Freedom of Religion and Belief in Australia Inquiry had a strong interest in the role of religion in society. Those making submissions were parochial about the status and importance of their own faith, less positive about religious diversity, more likely to be culturally supremacist, and more likely to independently express anti‐Islamic sentiment than the general population. A large proportion of submissions (40 per cent) included the religio‐centric assertion that Australia is a Christian nation. Alternative voices – that Australia is a multi‐faith country or those that saw Australia as secular – were much less ‘present’ in the submissions. Most submissions argued for the retention of religious exemptions from anti‐discrimination laws and against anti‐religious‐vilification legislation that would protect religious minorities. Christian‐centric voices purposefully undermined movement towards more inclusive social policy and protection of rights. The Christian majority insisted that their position of dominance be affirmed in Australia. The failure of the inquiry to advocate for policy and legislative change to expand religious freedoms (especially to minorities) was a performance of professed ‘state neutrality’ that reproduced substantive inequality. The public submission process was an effective mechanism for reinforcing a privileged relation between the state and Christian organisations, and fails the tests of both fairness and more substantively equality.     

从类型学到动态研究：兼论信仰的流动

自从杨庆堃提出“混合宗教”与“制度化宗教”概念之后,类型学建构成为华人宗教研究的主流。本文尝试进行视角的转换,用“基于类型学基础上的动态研究”来分析华人社会中信仰的流动。该视角一方面强调类型学的重要性,认为在研究中国宗教时有必要对“灵”、“义”等本土概念予以社会科学化;另一方面它强调揭示类型之间的联系与变化,将静态的类型学考察转化为动态分析。本文认为,动态的视角有助于关照到被类型学忽略的过程以及隐匿于其中的趋势,继而发展诸多经典理论,即研究神灵的流动有助于理解“神灵的诞生与竞争”,研究信徒的流动可以丰富“改教”理论,对宗教组织流动的研究则可以拓宽“教派-教会”理论的视野。