青年白领移民社会适应实证研究

青年白领移民的社会适应状态是该群体能否在所居城市永久居留的重要表征。城市外来移民居留意愿的选择,历来存在客观因素决定论和主观因素决定论两种研究取向。调查发现,青年白领移民生活压力对社会适应具有显著性影响,青年白领移民的平均社会适应水平对青年白领的呈偏低态势,多数的青年白领移民有居留趋向。虽然研究数据一定程度上支持客观因素决定论的研究取向,但决定白领移民是否居留应是主客观因素共同作用的结果,对所在城市的主观认同和归属是青年白领移民真正植根的根本标志。     

青年白领移民社会信心及影响因素

当前,中国青年白领移民群体的数量和规模逐年递增,其对迁入地社会结构的变更和城市建设的推进等方面的影响越来越大。但从当前青年白领移民的成长现状来看,表面光鲜的背后是白领们日益繁重的压力、焦虑与愤懑的社会事实,众多白领身不由己地从白领沦为“白奴”似乎已成常态,由此必会引发青年白领移民群体社会心态的浮动。对1046名白领的研究发现．年龄和收入显著正向影响青年白领移民社会信心的变化．社会信心在性别上的差异性与其拥有社会支持的程度紧密相关;生活压力方面：自购房、自身健康压力及社会信任度显著影响青年白领移民社会信心;社会参与、情感性支持和社交陪伴是显著影响青年白领移民社会信心的社会支持因素。     

青年新移民社会适应状况与发展

青青年新移民的社会适应与发展是非常值得关注的议题,对519名青年新移民的问卷调查显示,青年新移民在各个维度的社会适应程度是不一样的。在经济融入维度青年新移民存在明显优势;在行为适应维度青年新移民与原住民的交往频度和深度不高、社区参与度低;在文化接纳和身份认同维度青年新移民对"上海性"认可度较高,对"上海人"身份的认同程度相对较低;在并此基础上提出促进青年新移民社会适应与发展的思考与建议。     

美国青少年移民社会融合政策的演变

美国是一个由多族裔移民组成的国家,在关于青少年移民的社会融合政策方面,美国经历了"美国化""自由放任"和"选择性限制"三种政策范式的演变。"美国化"式的青少年移民社会融合政策促成了早期青年移民及其子女的归化,但它缺乏对其族群个性的尊重。"自由放任"式的社会融合政策赋予了青年移民及其子女个体、社区、民间组织等以自主地位,丰富了美国文化的多样性。"选择性限制"式的融合政策避免以单一化原则来应对所有青年移民及其子女的社会融合问题,但它并未真正实现其"反恐"和确保国土安全的政策初衷。这些关于青少年移民的社会融合政策对于当代中国城市的新移民(青年农民工、随迁子女、大学毕业生、外籍青年移民等)的管理与服务政策的完善具有重要启示,主要体现为对多元文化和青少年移民自主性的尊重、保障弱势青少年移民群体的合法权利、重视吸纳高层次的青年劳动力移民以及充分发挥社区和民间组织在青少年移民社会融合过程中的作用等。     

城市新移民社会认同的结构模型

本文根据亨廷顿关于社会身份的分类模式,运用结构方程模型的统计方法,通过群体认同、文化认同、地域认同、职业认同、地位认同等对城市新移民十分重要的五种社会认同类别,探索移民社会认同的内在关系结构。结果表明,移民的社会认同呈现出一致性认同与差异性认同并存的关系结构,具体表现为:职业认同与群体认同和地位认同,地位认同与地域认同,地域认同与文化认同和群体认同,群体认同与文化认同之间存在着一致性认同的倾向;职业认同与文化认同和地域认同,地位认同与文化认同和群体认同之间存在着差异性认同的倾向。此外,本研究还发现城市新移民的定居打算与其采纳本地节日的状况和他们对子女的期望之间均存在着正相关关系。     

移民融合与城市层级的定位——有关移民研究中地方性问题的理论化

本文在新自由主义全球化背景下研究城市重构的理论化,建议用层级比较的方法研究移民的定居问题和跨国联系。通过提出"城市层级"的概念,本文探讨了后工业化城市重构的不同结果与移民融合的不同路径之间的关系。在"地方性"的理论化上,移民问题学者以民族国家和族群为分析的主要单位,而城市重构问题学者则未关注移民的研究。移民路径形成并反过来作用于城市的差异化定位。移民被视为城市层级的缔造者,城市在全球力场下的不同定位,决定着移民在其中扮演的角色。     

国际大都市建设中的移民与移民政策——以上海为例

作为国际都市和世界城市,一般都具有巨大人口规模,且几乎主要的国际城市都是开放的移民城市,在日益全球化并纳入世界城市体系的过程中,上海通过国际移民和国内迁移来实现人力资源聚集促进城市竞争力,上海的移民结构和移民政策有待调整,需要从战略的高度认识移民问题。     

城市新移民文化研究

作为一个文化群体的存在,"新移民"在文化上具有"山寨性"、"快餐性"、"开放性"等特征。这些特征既是他们"扎根城市生活"的生活写照,也显示了他们"永不言弃奋斗精神"之下潜伏着的集体张力。"新移民文化"在很大程度上再次点燃了城市的文化活力。"新移民文化"所拥有的现象特征与内生动力,显现出其所蕴含的城市革新力量与未来发展潜能。他们是推动中国城市化进程至关重要的一环,乃至成为整个中国未来现代化事业中值得信赖的有生力量。     

社群隔离、身份认同与流动青年城市定居意愿

流动青年初入城市,在现实社会中存在的社群隔离现象会严重阻碍群体融入城市。利用2017年流动人口动态监测数据,尝试对当前流动青年面临的社群隔离及身份认同进行深入分析,探究湖北省流动青年定居意愿的影响效应。运用结构方程模型进行剖析发现,流动青年的城镇定居意愿和城镇落户意愿不一致,虽然事实性定居意愿强烈,但是制度性定居意愿却偏低;青年群体流入城市后产生社群隔离(社会距离和心理距离),会对其身份认同和城市定居产生显著负向影响,社会距离对定居意愿影响显著,心理距离对身份认同影响显著;当流动青年产生社群隔离时,其身份认同对于定居意愿的影响将会变得不显著。由此,当前新型城镇化的政策设计应注重完善流动青年户籍制度的保障,并积极鼓舞青年流动人口在城市的社会交往和心理融入,减轻社群隔离现象,从而形成流动青年的城镇定居意愿。     

融入城市、辐射农村的新移民──深圳市宝安区1500名外来青年心态变化的调查分析

融入城市、辐射农村的新移民──深圳市宝安区１５００名外来青年心态变化的调查分析谭建光，高伟光，廖运滨改革以来，山区青年和内地青年流动到沿海发达地区打工谋生的现象日益普遍。深圳市宝安区是全国最早兴办＂三资企业＂和吸纳外来青年的地区之一，从１９７９年到１...     

上海市城中村外来人口生存状况的调查与分析

大量外来人口的涌入加速了城市化的进程,城中村由于其较为低廉的租金、较好的区位条件成为此类人群的主要聚居区。本文通过大规模的问卷调查,关注城中村外来人口的生存状况问题。从个体或家庭层面考察了城中村外来人口的经济生活状况,从社区层面分析了该群体在城中村这一非正规社区的行为意愿状况,以及从城市制度层面分析了被调查者的公共权益享有状况。最后,针对在城中村改造过程中如何满足外来人口生活需求并提高其生活质量等问题,提出了相关建议。     

Occupation and housing adjustment of migrants to Surabaya,Indonesia: the case of a second city

The adjustment of migrants to Surabaya, Indonesia was examined with respect to occupation and housing characteristics. The data are based on information obtained in interviews from a multistage random sample of 600 residents of Surabaya between the ages of 20-44. Both females and males were interviewed and information on occupation was also collected for the spouses of respondents. In the analysis, 3 comparison groups were used: migrants to the city within the 5 years previous to the survey; migrants who moved in 1969 or before; and lifetime residents of Surabaya who were either born there or moved before the age of 15. The analysis used 2 methods to determine the extent and nature of adjustment. In the first, migrants of short and long durations of residence were compared to determine if change on the aggregate level has taken place and to indicate the direction of change. A control group of lifetime residents was used to determine whether the migrants are coming to resemble the characteristics of the native urban population. The 2nd, and equally serious problem, involves outmigration, in which migrants selective of certain characteristics leave the city either to return to the rural area or to move to another city. Initial comparisons between recent migrants, longterm migrants, and lifetime residents revealed no significant differences for either employment status or occupational skill. By occupational skill, approximately 35% had unskilled occupations, 27% semiskilled occupations, and 37% skilled occupations, with no significant difference by migrant status group. Overall, the distributions showed this sample to have significant concentrations in traditional, labor intensive employment, with a large percentage self employed. Controlling occupational skill for education showed somewhat different results. Those with primary school or less did not show a significant difference by migrant status, while among those with more education there was a significant difference. The longterm migrants wree overwhelmingly employed in skilled occupations. Initial analysis showed no significant difference in housing quality for each of the 3 migrant status groups. Recent migrants to the city were having no more difficulty in finding housing than changing migrants and lifetime natives. Housing conditions appeared to improve with duration of residence in the city, either through residential mobility or through improvements to the dwelling. That housing showed improvement with time, while occupation did not, may be because of the nature of each of the markets.     

Migration and aging:the case of Zimbabwe

This paper is based on a study in Zimbabwe of older people over age 60 living in Harare, Mutare, and villages up to 50 km from these two cities. The major areas studied were the types of migrants, preferred residence, and their overall life satisfaction. Interviews were carried out by unemployed school dropouts from the two cities, especially trained for the job. The results showed that the rural-urban migrants constituted the largest group, while returnee migrants were the smallest. Among the respondents were also foreign, rural-rural, and non-migrants. There were significant differences by location and gender. Three-quarters of the respondents preferred to live in a village than in a city. Returnee migrants were consistently the most satisfied, and those who had not migrated, the least. Policy implications are discussed.     

Migrant adjustment in Seoul,Korea: employment and housing

To examine the role of the migrants in the job and housing markets, a sample survey of 1000 households in Seoul, Korea was conducted. For each sample household chosen, in an area probability sample based on the city registration lists, 1 household member, aged 15-45, was interviewed about employment, housing, migration and family histories, and the social and psychological adjustment in Seoul City of the respondent and his family members. Interveiws were completed for 978 cases in 2 rounds in 1974-75. An important feature of the sample was the inclusion of the control group of lifetime urban residents who were used as the standard by which migrants' adjustment was examined. This group comprised 27% of the sample. Additionally, the migrant group was subdivided according to length of residence in Seoul City. Those who resided there for fewer than 5 years were classified as recent migrants and comprised 20% of the sample. Longterm migrants, those with residence greater than 5 years, comprised 53% of the sample. Recent migrants were concentrated in the blue collar occupations, but there was virtually no difference between the occupational distributions of longterm migrants and lifetime urban residents. Lifetime urban residents showed higher unemployment rates and higher educational enrollment rates than either the recent or longterm migrants groups. There was a 10% differential favoring employment in modern industries (secondary and tertiary) among the lifetime urban residents; fewer than 40% of the recent migrants fell into the modern categories compared to 44% for longterm migrants, and over 50% for lifetime urban residents. Lifetime urban residents were significantly less likely to be employed in traditional service occupations than were recent migrants. Longer term migrants were intermediate for the tertiary traditional sector, but they were significantly less likely to be employed in the manufacturing or secondary sector, especially the modern secondary sector, possibly reflecting the job market upon their arrival in Seoul. Younger respondents were concentrated in blue collar occupations, but for those 25 years old and older more than half were employed in white collar occupations. The quality of dwellings for migrants and natives was measured in 3 areas: housing quality; neighborhood quality, and tenure status. To a certain extent migrants were in lower quality housing compared to urban natives, but this appeared to be due not to recency of migration itself but to other characteristics of the migrants. The relative position of recent, versus longterm migrants, was opposite to the expected pattern. The quality of the neighborhood of residence differed somewhat more for migrants and nonmigrants. The relative positions were as hypothesized: neighborhood quality increased with duration of residence. The range of differences was narrowed considerably when the effects of age, education, and income were removed. Owning or not owning one's house seemed related much more closely to the formation of attachments in the urban area, that is, commitment. Migrants through time do come to approximate the economic and housing patterns of lifetime urban residents.     

Migration and Aging

Abstract

This paper is based on a study in Zimbabwe of older people over age 60 living in Harare, Mutare, and villages up to 50 km from these two cities. The major areas studied were the types of migrants, preferred residence, and their overall life satisfaction. Interviews were carried out by unemployed school dropouts from the two cities, especially trained for the job. The results showed that the rural-urban migrants constituted the largest group, while returnee migrants were the smallest. Among the respondents were also foreign, rural-rural, and non-migrants. There were significant differences by location and gender. Three-quarters of the respondents preferred to live in a village than in a city. Returnee migrants were consistently the most satisfied, and those who had not migrated, the least. Policy implications are discussed.     

Health Status of Temporary Migrants in Urban Areas in Vietnam1

The rapid economic growth after economic reform, known in Viet Nam as “Doi Moi”, and the growing scope of urban migration raise specific questions for social policy, including migration and health policies. This paper compares issues of health status and its determinants as they affect temporary urban migrants versus permanent urban migrants and non‐migrants. The analyses utilize multivariate logistic regression and data from the 1997 Vietnam Migration and Health Survey. The results show that temporary migrants staying in guest houses are most vulnerable to health problems. Though most of them are initially healthier, their reported health deteriorates faster than other groups of urban residents. The findings also present important implications for the current migration and health policies in Vietnam: 1) A special attention should be given to temporary migrants in guest houses; 2) Different priorities in health policy should be applied to different groups of migrants and non‐migrants; 3) The current population management policy by registration system needs to be reviewed; 4) Providing clean water is one of the most important ways to improve health of temporary migrants; 5) Targeting educational investments and reducing unemployment would likely to improve overall health; 6) A higher priority on health policies targeting women would likely pay dividends, and; 7) Improving management and collaboration between government offices and interested partners is important to improving health status and reducing inequity.     

Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

Health Disorder of Climate Migrants in Khulna City: An Urban Slum Perspective

As the most vulnerable climatic region in the country, Khulna City is increasingly experiencing climate‐change‐induced urban problems. For instance, occupancy by climate migrants (delete the term “illegal migrant”), drainage congestion, water logging and reduced fresh water availability are all increasing problems. In the last decade, the population in the city increased by more than 20 per cent due to migration from nearby climate vulnerable districts. This study explores the health disorders of climate migrants occupying the urban slums and squats of the Khulna City area. This study found that these climate migrants settled in the urban slums and squats and, as such, they do not have access to urban amenities such as clean drinking water, hygiene services, and health facilities. This study noted that these displaced people are at increased risk of health issues from unhygienic and overcrowded living conditions and from water and sanitation problems. They often suffer from different waterborne diseases, under‐nutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. This study suggests that there is a need for better planning, preparation and training in Bangladesh to which migrants move, including better training in health and related services on how to recognize and respond to health problems that may be slow to manifest. Education and training also need to be provided for the migrants themselves, to help them adapt culturally and to enhance their skills and potential for employment.     

Changing Childrearing Beliefs Among Indigenous Rural‐to‐Urban Migrants in El Alto,Bolivia

Sociologists have long noted that childrearing shapes young people's life chances. Worldwide, rural‐to‐urban migration is growing, yet we know little about whether or how migrants adopt new childrearing beliefs during this rapid social transformation. Using interviews with 63 parents and ethnographic observation at a public school, I examine how rural‐to‐urban migration affects the childrearing beliefs of indigenous peasants who move to the city of El Alto, Bolivia. Many migrants reject rural childrearing's reliance on corporal punishment and limited verbal communication, instead embracing more open communication, limited physical punishment, and parent–child trust. Urban organizations and social ties expose parents to a new childrearing model, and parents find this model credible when they observe that it buffers children from urban dangers that threaten young people's mobility chances. Adopting urban childrearing ultimately entails accepting an underlying model of children's agency, wherein children need internal motivation instead of external impulsion. This case shows that individuals’ childrearing beliefs are more malleable than previous sociological studies suggest. I close with policy implications for parental education and child well‐being initiatives.