Rational Imitation in 12‐Month‐Old Infants Christiane Schwier,Catharine van Maanen,Malinda Carpenter

Gergely, Bekkering, and Király (2002) demonstrated that 14‐month‐old infants engage in “rational imitation.” To investigate the development and flexibility of this skill, we tested 12‐month‐olds on a different but analogous task. Infants watched as an adult made a toy animal use a particular action to get to an endpoint. In 1 condition there was a barrier that prevented a more straightforward action and so gave the actor no choice but to use the demonstrated action. In the other condition there was no barrier, so the actor had a free choice to use the demonstrated action or not. Twelve‐month‐olds showed the same pattern of results as in Gergely and colleagues' study: They copied the particular action demonstrated more often when the adult freely chose to use the action than when she was forced to use it. Twelve‐month‐olds, too, thus show an understanding of others' intentions as rational choices and can use this understanding in cultural learning contexts.     

12‐Month‐Olds Produce Others' Intended but Unfulfilled Acts

Following Meltzoff's (1995) behavioral reenactment paradigm, this study investigated the ability of 12‐month‐olds (N = 44) to reproduce a model's attempted‐but‐failed actions on objects. Testing was conducted using a novel set of objects designed to enable young infants to readily identify the potential outcome of the model's actions. Infants who saw an adult's attempted‐but‐failed actions now produced her intended outcomes at an equivalent rate to infants who saw the model's completed acts, and significantly more so than infants who either observed an adult manipulating the test apparatus using nontarget actions or who did not see any actions demonstrated on the test apparatus. This result shows that, contrary to previous studies, 12‐month‐olds can produce the intended but unconsummated acts of others.     

Differences in How 12‐ and 24‐Month‐Olds Interpret the Gaze of Adults

This study examined the hypothesis that toddlers interpret an adult's head turn as evidence that the adult was looking at something, whereas younger infants interpret gaze based on an expectancy that an interesting object will be present on the side to which the adult has turned. Infants of 12 months and toddlers of 24 months were first shown that an adult head turn to the side predicted the activation of a remote‐controlled toy on that side of the room. After this connection had been demonstrated, participants were assigned to 2 conditions. In the head turn condition the toys were removed but the adult continued to produce head turns to the side. In the toy condition the adult stopped turning but the toys continued to be activated when the participant turned toward them. Results showed that, compared to 12‐month‐olds, 24‐month‐olds were more likely to continue to turn to the side when the adult continued to turn even though there was no longer anything of interest to see. In contrast, compared to 24‐month‐olds, 12‐month‐olds were, if anything, more likely to continue to turn to the side in the condition in which the adult stopped turning. The latter result was replicated in a condition in which the activation of the toy was not contingent on the child's own head turn. These results imply that the meaning of gaze following may change significantly over the 2nd year of life. For 12‐month‐olds, gaze is a useful predictor of where interesting sights may occur. In contrast, for 24‐month‐olds, gaze may be a signal that the adult is looking at something.     

Retrieval Protracts Deferred Imitation by 6‐Month‐Olds

Past research using a deferred imitation task has shown that 6‐month‐olds remember a 3‐part action sequence for only 1 day. The concept of a time window suggests that there is a limited period within which additional information can be integrated with a prior memory. Its width tracks the forgetting function of the memory. This study asked if retrieving the memory of the modeled actions at the end of the time window protracts its retention, if the type of retrieval (active or passive) differentially influences retention, and if the retrieval delay influences its specificity. In Experiment 1, 6‐month‐olds either imitated the modeled actions (active retrieval group) or merely watched them modeled again (passive retrieval group) 1 day after the original demonstration. Both groups showed deferred imitation after 10 days. In Experiment 2, 6‐month‐olds who repeatedly retrieved the memory at or near the end of the time window deferred imitation for 2.5 months. In Experiment 3,6‐month‐olds spontaneously generalized imitation late in the time window after 1 prior retrieval, whether it was active or passive. These studies reveal that the retention benefit of multiple retrievals late in the time window is huge. Because most retrievals are undoubtedly latent, the contribution of repeated events to the growth of the knowledge base early in infancy has been greatly underestimated.     

Picture Perception in Infants: Do 9‐Month‐Olds Attempt to Grasp Objects Depicted in Photographs?

Two experiments tested the DeLoache, Pierroutsakos, Uttal, Rosengren, and Gottlieb (1998 claim that 9‐month‐old infants attempt to grasp objects depicted in photographs. In Experiment 1, 9‐month‐olds viewed an object, a photograph of the object, and 2 flat, nonpictorial displays. On average, they reached for the photograph and nonpictorial displays with their hands approximately horizontal and close to the display surfaces, but reached for the object with their hands oriented obliquely and at significantly higher heights. The infants also exhibited similar behaviors when touching the photograph and nonpictorial displays. In Experiment 2, 9‐month‐olds exhibited similar behaviors when touching a photograph of an object and a photograph of textured carpet. The results of both experiments suggest that 9‐month‐olds treat photographs of objects as 2‐dimensional surfaces and not as graspable objects.     

Watch and Learn? Infants Privilege Efficiency Over Pedagogy During Imitative Learning

This experiment tested how 18‐month‐old infants’ prior experience with an object affects their imitation. Specifically, we asked whether infants would imitate an adult who used her head to illuminate a light‐box if they had earlier discovered that the light could be illuminated with their hands. In the Self‐Discovery condition, infants had the opportunity to freely explore the light‐box; all infants used their hands to activate the light‐box at least once during this period. The experimenter then entered the room and, while providing explicit pedagogical cues, demonstrated illuminating the light‐box using her forehead. In the Demonstration Only condition, infants just viewed the experimenter’s demonstration. During a subsequent testing phase, infants in the Demonstration Only condition were more likely to use their foreheads to activate the light‐box. Conversely, infants in the Self‐Discovery condition were more likely to use their hands, suggesting that efficiency can “trump” pedagogy in some observational learning contexts.     

Interacting Socially With Human Hands at 24 Months of Age

This experiment explored whether or not 2‐year‐olds would engage in synchronic imitation with human hands. Sixty‐four 24‐month‐old infants participated. In a test of synchronic imitation, infants were given a toy while a model simultaneously performed novel actions on an identical toy. Infants were randomly assigned to 1 of 4 model conditions: a familiar person, an unfamiliar person, disembodied human hands, and disembodied robotic pincers. Infants were as likely to synchronically imitate disembodied hands as a person. Imitation of the pincers was significantly lower. This pattern suggests that 2‐year‐olds will engage socially with human hands in the absence of the rest of the body.     

Role Reversal Imitation and Language in Typically Developing Infants and Children With Autism

Three types of role reversal imitation were investigated in typically developing 12‐ and 18‐month‐old infants and in children with autism and other developmental delays. Many typically developing infants at both ages engaged in each of the 2 types of dyadic, body‐oriented role reversal imitation: self‐self reversals, in which the adult acted on herself and the child then acted on himself, and other‐other reversals, in which the adult acted on the child and the child then acted back on the adult. However, 12‐month‐olds had more difficulty than 18‐month‐olds with triadic, object‐mediated role reversals involving interactions around objects. There was little evidence of any type of role reversal imitation in children with autism. Positive relations were found between role reversal imitation and various measures of language development for 18‐month‐olds and children with autism.     

14‐Month‐olds anticipate others’ actions based on their belief about an object's identity

Past research has accumulated evidence regarding infants’ false‐belief understanding, measuring their gaze patterns or active helping behaviors. However, the underlying mechanisms are still debated, specifically, whether young infants can compute that others represent the world under a certain aspect. Such performance requires holding in mind two representations about the same object simultaneously and attributing only one to another person. While 14‐month‐olds can encode an object under different aspects when forming first‐person representations, it is unclear whether infants at this very age could also predict others’ behavior based on their beliefs about an object's identity. Here, we investigate this question in a novel eye‐tracking‐based unexpected‐identity task. We measured 14‐month‐olds’ anticipatory looks combined with their looking time, using a violation‐of‐expectation paradigm. Results show that 14‐month‐olds look longer to an actor's reach that is incongruent with her false belief about the identity of an object compared to a congruent reach. Furthermore, infants correctly anticipated the actor's reach based on her false belief. Thus, as soon as infants represent dual identities they can integrate them in belief attributions and use them for consequent behavioral predictions. Such data provide evidence for the flexibility of false‐belief attributions and support proposals arguing for infants’ rich theory‐of‐mind abilities.     

The Role of Context in the Categorization of Hybrid Toy Stimuli by 18‐Month‐Olds

Using a sequential touching procedure, we examined whether 18‐month‐olds could use different categorization strategies adaptively as a function of context. Infants were presented with test toys of land animals (quadrupeds), cars, and hybrids made by recombining car parts with animal parts. Infants who experienced a context emphasizing a taxonomic divide were subsequently more likely to form categories that reflected a taxonomic divide, whereas infants who experienced a context emphasizing a partonomic divide were subsequently more likely to form categories based on functional parts. These results suggest that 18‐month‐olds can adapt their categorization strategies flexibly in accordance with ambient contextual cues. This adds to the growing body of evidence that early categorization is flexible and not rigidly tied to characteristic features in the environment.     

The Microstructure of Infants' Gaze as They View Adult Shifts in Overt Attention

We presented infants (5, 6, 9, and 12 months old) with movies in which a female model turned toward and fixated 1 of 2 toys placed on a table. Infants' gaze was measured using a Tobii 1750 eye tracker. Six‐, 9‐, and 12‐month‐olds' first gaze shift from the model's face (after the model started turning) was directed to the attended toy. The 5‐month‐olds performed at random. Following this initial response, 5‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds performed more gaze shifts to the attended target; 12‐month‐olds performed at random. Infants at all ages displayed longer looking times to the attended toy. We discuss a number of explanations for 5‐month‐olds' ability to follow a shift in overt attention by an adult after an initially random response, including the possibility that infants' initial gaze response strengthens the representation of the objects in the peripheral visual field.     

The Development of Gaze Following in a Third‐Party Context

Infants follow the gaze of an individual with whom they are directly interacting by the end of the first year. By 18 months infants are capable of learning novel words in observational (or third‐party) contexts (Floor & Akhtar, 2006). To examine third‐party gaze following in 12‐ and 18‐month‐olds, the parent and experimenter engaged in a conversation while the infant was present. For 8 trials approximately every 30 sec the experimenter would turn her head to the right or left to fixate on a toy placed on either side of the room with the parent following suit. In the first experiment, the parent was seated next to the infant and the experimenter opposite, whereas in the second experiment the positions of the adults were switched. In Experiment 1, 18‐month‐olds but not 12‐month‐olds followed gaze. In Experiment 2, 12‐month‐olds acquired a tendency to follow gaze during the experimental session. These results suggest that an incipient ability to follow third‐party gaze is present by 12 months and that infants acquire a more reliable and general ability to follow the gaze of noninteractive others between 12 and 18 months.     

Do 8‐Month‐Old Infants Consider Situational Constraints When Interpreting Others’ Gaze as Goal‐Directed Action?

Some actions of agents are ambiguous in terms of goal‐directedness to young infants. If given reasons why an agent performed these ambiguous actions, would infants then be able to perceive the actions as goal‐directed? Prior results show that infants younger than 12 months can not encode the relationship between a human agent’s looking behavior and the target of her gaze as goal‐directed. In the present experiments, 8‐month‐olds responded in ways suggesting that they interpreted an agent’s action of looking at object‐A as opposed to object‐B as evidence for her goal directed toward object‐A, if her looking action was rational given certain situational constraints: a barrier separated her from the objects or her hands were occupied. Therefore, the infants seem to consider situational constraints when attributing goals to agents’ otherwise ambiguous actions; they seem to realize that within such constraints, these actions are efficient ways for agents to achieve goals.     

12‐Month‐Old Infants' Perception of Attention Direction in Static Video Images

Twelve‐month‐old infants' ability to perceive gaze direction in static video images was investigated. The images showed a woman who performed attention‐directing actions by looking or pointing toward 1 of 4 objects positioned in front of her (2 on each side). When the model just pointed at the objects, she looked straight ahead, and when she just looked, her hands were hidden below the tabletop. An eye movement system (TOBII) was used to register the gaze of the participants. We found that the infants clearly discriminated the gaze directions to the objects. There was no tendency to mix up the 2 object positions, located 10° apart, on the same side of the model. The infants spent more time looking at the attended objects than the unattended ones and they shifted gaze more often from the face of the model to the attended object than to the unattended objects. Pointing did not significantly increase the infants' tendency to move gaze to the attended object, irrespective of whether the pointing gesture was accompanied by looking or not. In all conditions the infants spent most of the time looking at the model's face. This tendency was especially noticeable in the pointing‐only condition and the condition where the model just looked straight ahead.     

The Influence of Labels,Non‐Labeling Sounds,and Source of Auditory Input on 9‐ and 15‐Month‐Olds' Object Categorization

This experiment examines the joint influence of auditory and social cues on infants' basic‐level and global categorization. Nine‐ and fifteen‐month‐olds were familiarized to a series of category exemplars in an object‐examining task. Objects were introduced with a labeling phrase, a non‐labeling sound, or no sound, and auditory input was presented orally by the experimenter or played on a hidden voice recorder. Novel objects from the familiarized category and a contrasting category were then presented. Results of analyses performed on novelty preference scores indicated that infants demonstrated basic‐level categorization in all conditions. However, infants at both age levels only demonstrated global categorization when labeling phrases were introduced. In addition, labels led to global categorization in 9‐month‐olds regardless of the source of those labels; however, labels only led to global categorization in 15‐month‐olds when the labels were presented orally by the experimenter.     

Six‐ and 9‐Month‐Old Infants Discriminate Between Goals Despite Similar Action Patterns

Behne, Carpenter, Call, and Tomasello (2005) showed that 9‐ to 18‐month‐olds, but not 6‐month‐olds, differentiated between people who were unwilling and unable to share toys. As the outcome of the two tasks is the same (i.e., the toy is not shared), the infants must respond to the different goals of the actor. However, visual habituation paradigms have shown an earlier onset of goal awareness. The present study reconciles this disparity by replicating the findings of Behne et al. with both 6‐ and 9‐month‐olds, using similar tasks and additional response measures.     

Intersensory Redundancy and 7‐Month‐Old Infants' Memory for Arbitrary Syllable‐Object Relations

Seven‐month‐old infants require redundant information, such as temporal synchrony, to learn arbitrary syllable‐object relations (Gogate & Bahrick, 1998). Infants learned the relations between 2 spoken syllables, /a/ and /i/, and 2 moving objects only when temporal synchrony was present during habituation. This article presents 2 experiments to address infants' memory for these relations. In Experiment 1, infants remembered the syllable‐object relations after 10 min, only when temporal synchrony between the vocalizations and moving objects was provided during learning. In Experiment 2, 7‐month‐olds were habituated to the same syllable‐object pairs in the presence of temporal synchrony and tested for memory after 4 days. Once again, infants learned and showed emerging memory for the syllable‐object relations 4 days after original learning under the temporally synchronous condition. These findings are consistent with the view that prior to symbolic development, infants learn and remember word‐object relations by perceiving redundant information in the vocal and gestural communication of adults.     

Pointing as Epistemic Request: 12‐month‐olds Point to Receive New Information

Infants start pointing systematically to objects or events around their first birthday. It has been proposed that infants point to an event to share their appreciation of it with others. In this study, we tested another hypothesis, according to which infants’ pointing could also serve as an epistemic request directed to the adult. Thus, infants’ motivation for pointing could include the expectation that adults would provide new information about the referent. In two experiments, an adult reacted to 12‐month‐olds’ pointing gestures by exhibiting “Informing” or “Sharing” behavior. In response, infants pointed more frequently across trials in the Informing than in the Sharing condition. This suggests that the feedback that contained new information matched infants’ expectations more than mere attention sharing. Such a result is consistent with the idea that not just the comprehension but also the production of early communicative signals is tuned to assist infants’ learning from others.     

The Other‐Race Effect in a Longitudinal Sample of 3‐, 6‐ and 9‐Month‐Old Infants: Evidence of a Training Effect

We investigated the development of the other‐race effect “ORE” in a longitudinal sample of 3‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐old Caucasian infants. Previous research using cross‐sectional samples has shown an unstable ORE at 3 months, an increase at 6 months and full development at 9 months. In Experiment 1, we tested whether 9‐month‐olds showed the ORE with Caucasian and African faces. As expected, the 9‐month‐olds discriminated faces within their own ethnicity (Caucasian) but not within the unfamiliar ethnicity (African). In months. In Experiment 2, we longitudinally tested infants at 3, 6, and 9 months by presenting either the Caucasian or the African faces used in Experiment 1. In contrast to previous cross‐sectional studies and Experiment 1, we found that infants discriminated between all stimuli. Hence, we did not find the ORE in this longitudinal study even at 9 months. We assume that the infants in our longitudinal study showed no ORE because of previous repetitive exposure to African faces at 3 and 6 months. We argue that only a few presentations of faces from other ethnic categories sufficiently slow the development of the ORE.     

Integration of Thought and Action: Arm Weights Facilitate Search Accuracy in 24‐Month‐Old Children

Search errors are common in cognitive tasks with infants and toddlers, and these errors reveal important insights to the development of competence and performance. Rivière and Lécuyer (2008, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 100, 1) demonstrated that 29‐month‐olds typically make an error during a search task involving invisible displacement. However, performance improves significantly when children wear weighted wrist bands while doing the task. To investigate this phenomenon further, we tested 24‐month‐old children in an identical search task (N = 35). Half the children wore weighted wrist bands, and the rest were in a no‐weight condition. To test how far this phenomenon generalizes, we also tested the same children in a second search task where they needed to find a ball that had rolled behind one of four doors. The results showed that children in the no‐weight condition replicated previous findings of poor performance on both search tasks. Unlike 29‐month‐olds, the 24‐month‐olds in the weighted condition did not immediately show improvement on the search tasks. However, after an initial search attempt, children wearing weights performed significantly better than chance. The findings shed new light on the interplay between thought and action.