Race,Roll‐Off,and Racial Transition: The Influence of Political Change on Racial Group Voter Roll‐Off in Urban Elections*

Objectives. Many cities in the United States have undergone or are undergoing racial transition from a majority white to a majority black population. Accompanying this is a change in the racial makeup of elections and officeholders. This article seeks to explain racial patterns in voter roll‐off as a city undergoes racial transition. Methods. Using a fixed‐effects regression model, we analyze the level of voter roll‐off (from the top‐of‐the‐ballot mayoral contest) among black and white voters across Memphis City Council elections, from 1967 through 2003. Results. The level of voter roll‐off among racial groups is sensitive to the racial aspect of political change. Black voters are most likely to continue to vote in council contests when there is a racial choice among candidates, when blacks have previously been elected, and when blacks occupy the mayoralty and a majority of council seats. Whites are most likely to vote in racially competitive council contests, as well as when there are a large number of white candidates, and when whites hold a majority of the council seats. Conclusions. In settings such as Memphis, where race has played a pronounced historic role, the racial context of political empowerment has a strong influence on electoral participation. Elections below the top‐of‐the‐ballot become more salient, and political efficacy grows among racial group members when that cohort occupies institutional positions, particularly the majority of positions in a governing institution.     

Campaign Fundraising in State Supreme Court Elections*

Objective. What factors affect the ability of candidates for state supreme courts to raise money? In this article, I test (and expand) existing theories of political fundraising (taken largely from legislative studies) in the context of judicial elections. Methods. I examine the determinants of campaign contributions to all candidates running for the state supreme court from 1990–2000 in states that have competitive judicial elections. Most basically, I hypothesize that a candidate's ability to raise money is dependent on characteristics of the candidate, the state electoral and supreme court context, and institutional arrangements. Results. The results suggest that candidates who have a greater probability of success than their opponents are better able to raise money. Yet, all is not within the control of the candidates, as the electoral context of the state and the court as well as the institutional arrangements of the election and the court are also relevant. Conclusions. Campaign fundraising by state supreme court candidates, much like fundraising by legislative candidates, can be understood in systematic and predictable ways. Candidates have some control over the amount of money that they are able to raise (and thus their electoral viability), although there is little they can do about the electoral and supreme court context. Additionally, institutional arrangements play a large role in raising campaign funds, suggesting that there is not much reformers can do to limit the amount of money involved in elections short of eradicating elections altogether.     

The Pomp of Power: Black Mayoralties in Urban America*

Objectives. Although urban scholarship has come to better understand the dynamics of black political incorporation in the United States, to date scant empirical attention has been paid to an important element of minority representation in local politics—the rise of black mayors. The present study addresses this gap in the extant literature. Methods. We analyze incidences of black mayoralties by fitting standard pooled and random effects probit models to a panel of 309 cities observed between 1971 and 2000. Results. Although cities' racial profiles are strongly associated with the incidence of black mayoralties, black representation on city council, black educational attainment, and reformed governments increase the odds of black mayoral emergence. On the other hand, southern location continues to depress the rise of black mayoralties, as do partisan elections, particularly in cities where no racial group constitutes a majority. Conclusions. Although our results partially confirm extant research on the diffusion of black mayoralties in American urban politics, they also call into question conventional wisdom. Our study emphasizes the need for more large‐N studies of minority representation in urban politics and provides suggestions for how the independent effects of black mayors on municipal policy outcomes might subsequently be analyzed empirically.     

Affirmative action in municipal government: Political, structural and demographic determinants of alternative strategies

The 167 members of the California City Managers Association were surveyed regarding the affirmative action policies of their cities. The research sought to determine factors that influence affirmative action efforts. Affirmative action outcomes and policies were measured against the following: minority political power as reflected in the diversity of the city council, frequency of interaction regarding affirmative action between council members and administrators, the ethnic composition of the city, level of advocacy regarding affirmative action in the city and the personal values of the city manager. The finding support the thesis that affirmative action success in government varies directly with the diversity of the population served and the political representation of minorities. Also important was the relationship between managerial values and affirmative efforts. Council manager interaction was directly related to the percentage of minority supervisors and managers.     

Asian Americans and campaign finance in municipal elections

This paper explores the political significance of Asian American campaign finance activity in municipal elections. We examined both the donation patterns of Asian contributors and the fundraising coalitions assembled by Asian candidates. From the contributor perspective, we found that Asians contributed in roughly proportional levels to their population as a whole, and were willing to contribute not only to coethnics but also to Asian candidates of other ethnicities and to non-Asians. As for Asian candidates, we found that they relied heavily on Asian contributors for campaign funds, especially coethnics. Asian candidates’ ability to draw on ethnic networks for campaign funds is an important political resource that enhances their ability to mount competitive campaigns. However, the value of these networks is limited by candidates’ inability or unwillingness to form panethnic fundraising coalitions.     

Assessing the effects of neighborhood councils on urban policy and development: The example of Tacoma,Washington

Neighborhood councils form an important and sometimes problematic layer in the governance system of many cities across the USA. The literature on these institutions has focused mainly on their hypothesized role in facilitating citizen participation in neighborhood and city planning. Less work has explored the experiences of neighborhood councils as placed-based institutions theoretically embedded within, and therefore ostensibly reflective of, the overall social and political geography of the city. In particular, little research documents the actual local development priorities, fund-raising capacities, project achievements and scalar tensions associated with neighborhood councils operating in different neighborhoods of the same city. Using a perspective based on extant literatures in urban politics and public administration, this paper offers an analysis of the neighborhood council experience in Tacoma, Washington, USA. While these councils are still “segmented” from the core of urban politics, the paper argues, certain institutional reforms could unlock their long term potential as more “transformative” spaces of local governance.     

Factors associated with fundraising dependency among nonprofit organisations in Australia

Despite the importance of fundraising to the nonprofit sector there has been surprisingly little research on fundraising as a revenue source in Australia. Research that has been conducted both here and internationally has focused on the cost of fundraising – the proportion of fundraising expenses to total fundraising revenue, and fundraising performance – the absolute or relative amount of money raised by organisations via fundraising. This paper examines why some nonprofit organisations are more dependent on fundraising as a source of revenue than others. The paper applies multivariate techniques to examine the influence that three broad sets of factors: organisational; revenue generation model; and fundraising approach, have on what we term ‘fundraising dependency’ – the percentage of a nonprofit organisation's total revenue that is derived from fundraising activities. It finds that fundraising dependency is associated with a range of organisational characteristics (e.g. size, geographical scope of the organisation and tax status); alternative forms of revenue generation (e.g. reliance on government funding and commercial venturing) and fundraising approach (e.g. whether professional fundraising staff are employed, the use of volunteer fundraisers and the number of fundraising practices used). The results support taking a multidimensional approach to understanding fundraising dependency.     

Factors associated with fundraising dependency among nonprofit organisations in Australia

Despite the importance of fundraising to the nonprofit sector there has been surprisingly little research on fundraising as a revenue source in Australia. Research that has been conducted both here and internationally has focused on the cost of fundraising – the proportion of fundraising expenses to total fundraising revenue, and fundraising performance – the absolute or relative amount of money raised by organisations via fundraising. This paper examines why some nonprofit organisations are more dependent on fundraising as a source of revenue than others. The paper applies multivariate techniques to examine the influence that three broad sets of factors: organisational; revenue generation model; and fundraising approach, have on what we term ‘fundraising dependency’ – the percentage of a nonprofit organisation's total revenue that is derived from fundraising activities. It finds that fundraising dependency is associated with a range of organisational characteristics (e.g. size, geographical scope of the organisation and tax status); alternative forms of revenue generation (e.g. reliance on government funding and commercial venturing) and fundraising approach (e.g. whether professional fundraising staff are employed, the use of volunteer fundraisers and the number of fundraising practices used). The results support taking a multidimensional approach to understanding fundraising dependency.     

Patterns of press coverage of mayoral campaigns: Comparing Detroit and Los Angeles

This study examines newspaper coverage of mayoral elections in Detroit and Los Angeles in 1997 and 2001. The project had three objectives: (1) to see how journalistic tendencies in the coverage of national elections, most notably, a preoccupation with the “horse race” and incumbency, are evident in coverage of local campaigns; (2) to see how patterns of press coverage vary across cities with quite different socio-political environments; and (3) to see how patterns of coverage vary across electoral cycles, where the political circumstances changed markedly in both cities. The 1997 campaigns in both Detroit and Los Angeles featured popular incumbents who easily won reelection. The press coverage in both cities contained a surprisingly large amount of issue-based reporting. The absence of a horse race appeared to open space in the news hole for coverage of policy. By contrast, the 2001 mayoral campaigns in Detroit and Los Angeles were highly competitive open races. Not surprisingly, the horse race was the predominant storyline in press coverage in both cities, and patterns of press coverage of these mayoral elections conformed more closely to patterns typically found in national elections.     

Judgments about the capabilities of city councillors and support for female representation on city council

Building on an earlier analysis of this data set, this study investigates the association between respondents' gender-stereotyping of city councillors with respect to work-related capabilities and their support for female representation on city council under conditions of low information. The earlier research found substantial gender-stereotypic bias in respondents' judgments about the office-related capabilities of male and female city council members. This analysis finds that the more positively women's capabilities to perform in office are evaluated, the more support there is for increased female representation on city council. In general, being “qualified” gets a candidate support but being female, for the most part, does not garner additional support. The double bind of this situation, however, is that female candidates are at a disadvantage because voters (in the sample) see men generically as being more able to meet the demands of serving on city council and increased female representation on city council can not occur unless individual female candidates are elected.     

The political budget cycles in the presence of a fiscal rule: The case of farm debt waivers in India

Farm debt waivers which are meant to be a one-time settlement of loans have become common in India. This paper finds, after controlling for variables related to farming distress, that the timing of waiver announcements by state governments between 2001-02 and 2018–19 is associated with the timing of elections. This points toward a pattern of policy manipulation that suggests election-year targeting of the largest special interest group in India, namely farming households. The debt waivers, either announced as policies by incumbent governments prior to upcoming elections or as election pledges by political parties which are fulfilled after winning elections, are unanticipated shocks to government revenue expenditure. We find that the waivers are associated with an increased revenue deficit, which is accommodated by a nearly 1/3rd cut in capital outlay to control the fiscal deficit, given the presence of a fiscal rule. Given its path dependence, lower capital expenditure also reduces the quality of government spending in subsequent years.     

上下沟通与信息传递——唐长安城门的政治空间意义

唐都长安是中国古代城市发展史上的典型都城。尽管中古时期的城市已悄然开始发生某些变化,但6至9世纪的长安仍是一个相对封闭的区域。正是在这样的背景之下,唐长安的城门在作为城市重要建筑的同时,更具有政治空间层面的多重意义。本文即是对城门在有唐一代王朝政治中的功能和意义进行的探讨。     

Council member perceptions regarding representational and service delivery effectiveness in Wisconsin

Local governments are under increasing pressure to effectively represent various political interests within communities. This study attempts to measure and explain city council member perceptions of representational and service delivery effectiveness of local governments for a sample of communities in Wisconsin. The authors hypothesize that variables from several categories are related to representational and service delivery effectiveness, and that these two variables are strongly related.     

Social Policy Diffusion from the Perspective of Intergovernmental Relations: An Empirical Study of the Urban Subsistence Allowance System in China (1993-1999)

Universal access to China’s social welfare system involves a process of diffusion from localities to the whole country on the basis of social policy innovations in which intergovernmental relations play a key role as a facilitator. The rapid establishment of the urban subsistence allowance system in more than 200 cities throughout the country in seven years (1993-1999) serves as a case for our empirical analysis of the diffusion mechanism of social policy innovations at different levels of government. Our findings show, firstly, that in adopting a new social policy, city governments have to respond to the social desire of local citizens while keeping fiscal constraints in mind; at the same time, they are affected by administrative orders from higher-level governments and the vertical fiscal relations between governments at different levels, and are also subject to competitive pressures from other cities at the same level. Secondly, city governments’ policy innovations offer an opportunity for higher levels of government to learn from their experience. Thirdly, central government orders exert both a direct and indirect influence upon city governments, with provincial orders acting as intermediaries. And lastly, there is a clear difference in the time lag effect of orders from the central government and those at provincial level upon city governments’ policy adoption.     

城市发展与环境保护

城市是一个地区政治、经济、文化的中心。而环境保护问题已成为当今城市发展的全球性课题。我国的城市建设应具有超前意识 ,借鉴境外成功经验 ,正确处理城市发展与环境保护的关系 ,以适应现代化大都市发展的需要。     

留下还是离开: 政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响研究

本文利用2009年“X市外来农民工调查”数据,分析来自不同组织类型的社会资本,尤其是政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响。研究发现,政治社会资本比一般社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大;弱关系型政治社会资本比强关系型政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大;强弱关系兼有型政治社会资本比单一型政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大。本文比较来自不同组织类型的社会资本,深入分析政治社会资本对农民工留在打工城市的意愿的影响,进一步延续和深入了社会资本对农民工留城意愿影响的研究。     

Policy, management, and political activities: A current evaluation of the time allocations of mayors and managers in small cities and towns

This study examines executive time allocations in cities and towns with populations between 2,500 and 25,000. The majority of previous research has focused on municipalities with populations greater than 50,000. Do mayors and managers in small municipalities spend the same amount of time on policy, management, and political activities as their counterparts in larger municipalities? Four-hundred-sixty-seven surveys from mayors and city managers are evaluated, and the data reveal that a significant relationship between form of government and the time these individuals devote to policy, management, and political activities does exist. This analysis confirms that managers in small cities and towns do spend more time on policy and management activities, and less time on political activities than mayors in small cities and towns. Also, the research demonstrates that differences in time devoted to these three activities can be seen when small and large municipalities are compared.     

日本东京都城市外交的特点——以友好城市交流为例

东京都是日本的政治、经济和文化等中心及信息的输出源头,它早在上个世纪60年代就与美国的纽约市缔结为友好城市,开始了城市外交路线。在与友好城市的交流过程中,东京都注重以文化交流和民间交流为基础,来推动城市的各方面建设,不断提升自身的国际化水平,经过20年的对外交流与发展,终于成为一座国际化大都市。考究东京都与友好城市交流的形式和状况,对于正处于向国际化大都市发展过程中的北京来说,是十分及时且必要的。因此,本文通过对东京都与友好城市之间的交流状况的分析,阐释友好城市交流在城市的国际化进程中所起的重要推动作用,以供参考与借鉴。     

Strategic Government Spending in South Korea and Taiwan: Lessons for Emergent Democracies*

Objectives. How is government spending used strategically in South Korea and Taiwan? As nations generally considered to have weathered democratization, government allocations in South Korea and Taiwan are instructive on how spending may be used strategically without undermining democratization. Methods. The similar sociocultural, historical, political, and economic experiences of the two nations underlie a most‐similar‐systems approach to study how their differences influence diversity in strategic spending and, correspondingly, political outcomes such as size of the government party in the legislature. This article evaluates defense and civilian expenditures for South Korea and Taiwan from 1975 to 2006. Results. Three results are interesting. First, different elections—legislative elections in South Korea, presidential elections in Taiwan—lead to increases in spending. Second, in both nations, defense spending increases in election years but not social spending; however, defense spending benefits the government‐party in the legislature in South Korea but not in Taiwan. Third, when the strategic uses of spending are accounted for, democratization does not directly affect allocations. Conclusions. These results explicate that government spending is a viable resource for party building in new democracies; however, the results also underscore that governing parties in new democracies benefit from spending only insofar as it is used to build the nation's or party's strengths—not undermine the opposition—under competitive elections.