阿中友好关系中的民间外交

本文旨在探寻中国和阿拉伯民族民间外交的古代历史源头,并进一步探讨中国和阿拉伯民间外交关系在现当代的形成与发展,主要解答以下几个问题:中国和阿拉伯历史上民间外交先驱所付出的努力是否为双方外交关系的建立起了铺路奠基的作用?民间外交工作的本质及其开展形式如何?双方民间外交的现状怎样,如何拓展民间外交在当今社会的发展空间?在建立阿中双方全面、富有成效的战略伙伴关系过程中,民间外交能发挥多大的作用?本文还对如何进一步开展阿中民间外交提出了一些建议.     

中国外交实践中的人本思想

人本思想简单来讲就是以人为本。新中国成立后外交实践中的入本思想主要表现为民间外交的开展。新中国成立后，在中日正式建交、中美关系正常化以及中国同西欧国家建立的各种外交关系中，民间外交发挥了积极有益的作用。冷战结束后，社会主义中国在国际社会中处于不利地位，民间外交为正常国家关系的建立奠定了坚实的群众基础。新世纪之初，中国政府正式提出了“以人为本”的外交理念，指导着新世纪的中国外交。     

阿中新闻、文化合作建言

阿拉伯国家与中国正建立全面合作伙伴关系,双方政治合作取得了丰硕成果。然而阿中新闻与文化合作相对滞后,它在一定程度上阻碍了阿中全面合作伙伴关系的发展。因此,加强双方在此领域的合作与交流具有重要性和紧迫性。     

阿中新闻、文化合作建言

阿拉伯国家与中国正建立全面合作伙伴关系,双方政治合作取得了丰硕成果.然而阿中新闻与文化合作相对滞后,它在一定程度上阻碍了阿中全面合作伙伴关系的发展.因此,加强双方在此领域的合作与交流具有重要性和紧迫性.     

阿中合作论坛:阿拉伯世界与中国全方位合作的平台

在现代中国与阿拉伯世界关系史上,阿中双方所迈出的最重要一步,也许就是中国国家主席胡锦涛阁下于今年1月访问阿盟开罗总部时所宣布的建立"阿中合作论坛"的建立.     

新中国外交六十年中的中阿关系

中阿关系是中国重要对外关系之一,是中国外交工作的一个重点。早在伊斯兰教创立及大阿拉伯帝国形成前,中国就同该地区有友好往来。20世纪五十年代起,中国同阿拉伯国家陆续建立正式外交关系后,双方关系在广度和深度上均有所发展。始终贯穿中阿关系的关键词是:友好、合作;贯穿中阿关系的精神是:相互尊重、相互支持。     

新中国外交六十年中的中阿关系

中阿关系是中国重要对外关系之一,是中国外交工作的一个重点。早在伊斯兰教创立及大阿拉伯帝国形成前,中国就同该地区有友好往来。20世纪五十年代起,中国同阿拉伯国家陆续建立正式外交关系后,双方关系在广度和深度上均有所发展。始终贯穿中阿关系的关键词是:友好、合作;贯穿中阿关系的精神是:相互尊重、相互支持。     

论中国对阿拉伯国家的政党外交

中国与阿拉伯国家依靠政府外交、政党外交、公共外交与民间外交等形式开展全方位合作,并在此基础上构建中阿战略伙伴关系网.中国对阿拉伯国家的政党外交以机制统筹为理念,以中联部为实施主体,以阿拉伯国家政党、政治组织、政治领导人、媒体和智库为合作对象,通过召开中阿政党对话会、签订政党合作备忘录、举办政党研修班、促进政党领导人与青年交流等方式,积极配合中国与阿拉伯国家间的整体交流.中国对阿拉伯国家的政党外交是中国特色大国外交的有机组成部分,促进了中阿加强政治互信、交流治国理政经验、共建"一带一路"和实现民心相通,维护了中国主权、安全与发展利益,推动了阿拉伯国家和平与发展事业,丰富了中国特色政党外交的内涵.     

从中国与海湾八国关系的发展看“中阿合作论坛”

对于中阿战略合作关系的思考,要建立在对中国与阿拉伯国家关系发展的历史和现状研究的基础上。双方关系既涉及到世界大国的因素,也涉及到与阿拉伯国家相邻的非阿拉伯国家的因素。对于中国与海湾八国关系发展的研究,是分析上述因素及其影响,并进而思考中阿战略合作关系的一个重要切入点。中国与海湾国家的关系,是由中国的外交战略、海湾地区的战略格局以及中国在海湾地区的国家利益等因素综合决定的。通过研究1958年以来中国与海湾八国关系的发展,有助于进一步发展中阿关系和推动“中阿合作论坛”的建设工作。     

从中国与海湾八国关系的发展看"中阿合作论坛"

对于中阿战略合作关系的思考,要建立在对中国与阿拉伯国家关系发展的历史和现状研究的基础上。双方关系既涉及到世界大国的因素,也涉及到与阿拉伯国家相邻的非阿拉伯国家的因素。对于中国与海湾八国关系发展的研究,是分析上述因素及其影响,并进而思考中阿战略合作关系的一个重要切入点。中国与海湾国家的关系,是由中国的外交战略、海湾地区的战略格局以及中国在海湾地区的国家利益等因素综合决定的。通过研究1958年以来中国与海湾八国关系的发展,有助于进一步发展中阿关系和推动"中阿合作论坛"的建设工作。     

伊斯兰教与韩国的中东外交

韩国伊斯兰教因朝鲜战争中土耳其军队参战之故而正式重新传入,历经50余年的发展历程。韩国伊斯兰教在成立合法组织、修建遍布全国的清真寺、完成朝觐功课、翻译韩文《古兰经》以及成立伊斯兰经学院等方面著有成绩,穆斯林人数也有相当数量的增长。韩国中东外交也自1957年因与土耳其建交而开启,韩国主要在中东开展了经济、国际贡献①以及文化等领域外交,在中东地区已具一定的影响力。韩国伊斯兰教团体对于韩国的中东外交在不同层面多有参与,对于官方的中东外交是一种有力的补充。     

民间外交:未来更具人文性的全球化之选择

维基解密网站泄密事件发生后,美国等西方国家的官方外交一度受挫。本文认为,官方外交遭遇危机或陷入僵局时,民间外交可对各个国家和民族的交往发挥积极作用,通过各类媒体以及依靠与非政府组织的合作寻求各国各民族间的合作点,有助于拓宽民间组织在全球范围内的交流与合作。在信息革命与全球化时代,应最大限度地利用各类民间渠道开展民间外交,参与维护国内稳定和世界和平,致力于克服以美国为首的"野蛮全球化"所建立的官方外交中存在的各种弊端,构建一种更具人文性的全球化蓝图。     

Public relations and health diplomacy

Authors have noted the convergence of public relations and public diplomacy, yet public relations scholars have ignored an important aspect of public diplomacy–health diplomacy. Health diplomacy involves activities that improve global health while strengthening relationships between the United States and peoples abroad. This article encourages greater public relations involvement in health diplomacy.     

Sixty years of “peaceful liberation” at the Tibet Museum in Lhasa: triumphant modernization at the rooftop of the world

In recent years, China has developed an increasingly ambitious public diplomacy program to enhance its soft power abroad. Although several scholars have sought to assess the effects of this program, little attention has been paid to the Chinese governmental conception of soft power and its use in propaganda. This article explores how the state's view of soft power is transformed into policy through the cultural bureaucracy and, conversely, how it limits the program's effectiveness. The article concludes that the limited success of soft power is due to the following main factors. First, although China's public diplomacy programs are planned and implemented in ways that reflect its domestic cultural policy, they are rarely successful even in their home markets. Second, China's conception of soft power focuses on top-down, State-centered image management, thereby overlooking the relational and context-dependent aspects of soft power.     

新世纪中国对中东产油国的石油外交

石油需求在中国能源发展中以不以人们意志为转移的方式增长。中国的石油外交也成为新世纪中国外交的主旋律。中东石油在中国海外油源中占有特殊地位，中国非常重视发展与中东产油国的能源合作关系。国家利益是国际关系中驱动国家互动的最基本要素，中国石油外交最重要的考量亦是国家利益，中国对中东产油国的石油外交具有政治与经济利益相辅相成、互动互利的特点。石油对中国经济持续高速增长极为重要，“石油经济”成为中国经济持续增长的关键，由此凸现了石油外交对中国经济发展的重要性。     

Empire,emotion, exchange: (dis)orienting encounters of/with post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy

ABSTRACT

This article disentangles how empire, emotion and exchange intersect and work to orient and disorient processes of identity formation within post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy. Focusing on everyday cultural exchange practices, it challenges the particular cosmopolitanism embedded in these programmes that hinges upon the affective and the colonial. It reflects on how this entanglement of empire, emotion and exchange operates through modes of governmentality that produce energized, more governable subjects and masks such operations of power. Analysing one particular exchange – YES – this article disorients colonial logics of subjectification by exploring affective exchange encounters that are always already (dis)orienting. It then serves as a disorienting encounter with cultural diplomacy through four provocations, illustrating how empire is (always) (dis)orientating, can (dis)orient, can be disoriented, and must undergo disorientation. First, post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy and its logic of cosmopolitanism suggest empire is always (dis)orientating via its manifestation in ‘unusual’ sites; while exchange programmes’ onus on celebrating difference appears to conflict with ‘where’ empire ‘normally’ orients itself, as post/decolonial scholarship reveals, it is in the seemingly benign/unquestionable where empire does its work most profoundly. Second, the entanglement of emotion, empire and exchange can (dis)orient exchange subjects through how they are governed to perform and oscillate between ever-shifting ‘ideal’ subjectivities (familiar national/cosmopolitan global/enterprising neoliberal). Third, tracing colonial echoes and spectres in these exchanges reveals empire as disoriented, as that which is analytically ‘less conventional’. An arguably ‘conventional’ analysis oriented around a neo-colonial logic and an imperialistic ‘America’ while seductive in its simplicity obscures the governmental and performative complexities operating within these programmes. Finally, disorientation enables empire to be challenged and disrupted, opening up possibilities for post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy, and the self-Other relations comprising it, to be reimagined. In short, this paper’s analytical disorientation can lead to a reorientation of cultural diplomacy.     

走吧，张小砚

如果口袋里装着83元钱，你可以做什么？为自己添置—件Ｔ恤？请朋友吃一顿麦当劳？还是看—场3D电影《变形金刚3》？ 江西姑娘张小砚的选择是用这83元钱从拉萨独自走回成都。因为这次特别的川藏之行，张小砚拥有了众多粉丝，她的游记在天涯社区上点击量接近两千万。张小砚热爱生活、崇尚自由的精神为粉丝们所推崇，他们怀揣小砚的游记，沿着她的足迹去旅行。”想做就做，想走就走。¨张小砚如是说。     

Exploring the strategic potential of internal communication in international non-governmental organisations

The role and importance of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) has increased with globalization and the growth of global institutions. Despite this growth, academic research into INGO management remains limited and, due to their unique characteristics, management theories developed for for-profit organisations cannot be applied as is to INGOs. Internal communication is a critical area of management that has been proven to have a major impact on an organisation's effectiveness, particularly when managed strategically. Therefore this article explores the strategic management of internal communication within the INGO context. This study synthesised the current literature on this topic and included five case studies to understand the current state of internal communication within INGOs. It was determined that INGOs do not manage internal communication strategically. However, there is evidence that the implementation of strategic internal communication could help INGOs address several of their challenges and have an impact on their overall effectiveness. This study is exploratory and further research to identify the process for strategic internal communication in INGOs is needed.     

Off the record: Margaret van Kleffens and the gendered history of Dutch World War II diplomacy

This article makes the case for recovering women’s roles from the forgotten corners of diplomatic history, and for considering the consequences of the gap between feminist and non-feminist research. It shows how ignorance of the gendered nature of diplomatic norms and practices impacts our understanding of diplomatic history, and how specific biographies are hampered by gender blindness in particular. Using the history of Margaret van Kleffens and Dutch World War II diplomacy as an example, the article demonstrates how historians’ continued neglect of the role of women and gender norms has influenced representations of twentieth-century diplomacy. To dismiss the history of gender and of women as by definition irrelevant to the actions of states and of male statespersons is not simply part of a self-appointed focus on the political at the expense of the personal; rather, it omits much of the political history too, reproducing stereotypes and resulting in a skewed understanding of diplomatic history and foreign policy decisions. The article argues that both historians and feminist scholars need to historicize gender in order to recognize women’s roles in diplomacy, and so gain a better understanding of the history of international politics as a whole.     

女性主义文化批评视阈下的“开罗三部曲”

在近现代埃及文学史上,女性在新的“解放”话语系统中依旧被塑造成“他者”的地位,女性解放神话的出现只是为了掩盖作为主体的女性不在场的事实。本文试图通过对埃及著名作家纳吉布·马哈福兹的代表作“开罗三部曲”中三种女性反抗传统性别角色的分析,指出由男性主控的女性解放话语在女性的新型性别角色的塑造和自我规范中产生的影响。