中阿关系的回顾和展望

中国与阿拉伯国家文明交流源远流长.中华人民共和国成立后,双方在国际政治舞台上广泛合作.万隆会议的成功召开带来了中阿三次建交高潮.新时期中阿双方的战略合作具有坚实的政治基础:双方都强调开展文明对话,反对文明对抗,反对霸权主义和强权政治,主张建立公正民主的国际新秩序.未来双方经贸关系的发展将促进政治合作领域不断扩大.     

论中阿战略合作关系

自"中阿合作论坛"成立以来,中阿关系的全面发展得益于双方良好的政治特殊关系,这种政治特殊关系既不同于联盟关系,又超越了普通国家间合作关系,具有"战略合作"之特点。未来十年,中阿战略合作将迎来历史机遇期,但"中阿合作论坛"能否上升为类似于上合组织的多边组织,主要受两方面因素的影响:从促进因素来看,中阿双方拥有共同的战略利益,对重大国际问题持相似看法,不断增强政治互信,共同倡导政治多极化、发展模式多样化和文明对话,这已成为中阿战略合作的利益和价值基础;从制约因素来看,阿拉伯世界的内部矛盾、其缓慢的一体化进程和在安全上依靠西方国家,亦影响其与中国战略合作的深度。中阿战略合作关系的发展,还须消除"伊斯兰威胁论"和"中国威胁论"对双方民众的影响,提升对方在中、阿总体外交中的地位,尊重彼此的核心关切。     

俄罗斯与伊斯兰会议组织的交往与合作

伊斯兰会议组织(OIC)是伊斯兰国家政府间国际政治组织,其目的是发展伊斯兰国家间的合作,其中包括统一各国在国际政治舞台上的立场。俄罗斯不是伊斯兰国家,也不是伊斯兰会议组织成员国,但这并不妨碍双方的交往与合作并成为观察员国。俄罗斯近年与伊斯兰会议组织交往十分密切,合作领域非常广泛,这有其深刻的国际国内原因和安全利益考量。     

中阿友好合作泽及双方

近年来,中阿关系发展速度加快,合作领域不断拓宽。本文从政治、经济、文化三个方面概述双边关系的发展:政治上双方相互尊重、相互支持;经济上进一步合作,互利共赢;文化上相互交流绵延不断。总之,中阿关系的发展既有历史原因,又有现实需要。随着双方各方面交往的不断增长,双方关系会越来越密切。     

中东能源结构性矛盾与中国—中东石油合作

中国—中东石油合作对中国能源安全战略意义重大,中国能源安全本质上是中东地缘政治安全。中东地缘政治具有结构性矛盾、长期化和难以解决等特点,影响到中东石油的安全和稳定供应、国际能源市场供求、国际油价稳定,也意味着中国能源安全将长期受中东和其他地区能源地缘政治的影响。尽管近年来中国—中东能源合作取得长足进步,但双方存在的问题和限制性因素仍显而易见。迄今为止,中国在中东特别是海湾产油国没有获得如苏丹那样的参与当地油气勘探、开发和生产的重大上游油气合作的突破性成果,中国与中东的油气合作仍然任重道远。本文在论述有关问题的基础上,对我国与中东的能源合作提出了一些对策建议。     

鲜为人知的一段“国共合作”：1971年共卫钓鱼岛

众所周知,国共历史上有过两次合作。1949年国民党政权从大陆败退后,以“中华民国”名义继续统治台湾,两岸进入政治军事的长期对峙状态。尽管海峡两岸在祖国统一方面存在着根本性的分歧,但双方在反对外国的侵犯、维护国家领土主权的完整等方面,却存在着相当程度的共识,进而演绎了特殊条件下一段鲜为人知的“国共合作”。     

回顾与展望——沙特建国64年经济建设成就述评

沙特阿拉伯王国自1932年建立至今,已经走过了64个年头.在这半个多世纪中,尽管国际和地区政治风云变幻莫测,沙特历届政府却始终奉行独立自主的外交政策:坚持阿拉伯和伊斯兰团结,捍卫阿拉伯和伊斯兰正义事业,坚持为伊斯兰和世界穆斯林大众服务;维护稳定与和平,不干涉别国内政,也不允许任何国家干涉本国内政.在国际和地区事务中,沙特努力加强国际合作,反对侵略政策,尊重各国     

中阿媒体交流与合作刍议

中阿友好合作带有"南南合作"①的性质,双方媒体之间的交流由来已久。进入21世纪,特别是建立"中阿合作论坛"以来,中阿媒体交流与合作不断加强,"中阿媒体合作论坛"就是其重要标志之一。这种交流与合作,不但能使中阿双方和广大发展中国家受益,还将促使国际话语格局朝着积极、公平的方向发展。     

新中国与阿曼关系的历史与现状

自新中国与阿曼建立外交关系以来,双方在政治、经济和文化等领域的友好合作关系是历史上数千年友好合作关系的延续。通过高层领导人和其他领域的互访,双方增进了各领域交流,在国际和地区事务中持一致或类似观点,珍惜彼此慷慨的援助以及在解决国际事务中的协调和支持。双方通过"中阿合作论坛"和中国与海合会战略对话等机制,在经济、贸易、文化、公共卫生及其他领域的互利合作拥有巨大潜力,使两国关系从传统友谊走向新兴合作伙伴。     

中阿媒体交流与合作刍议

中阿友好合作带有“南南合作”。的性质,双方媒体之间的交流由来已久。进入21世纪,特别是建立“中阿合作论坛”以来,中阿媒体交流与合作不断加强,“中阿媒体合作论坛”就是其重要标志之一。这种交流与合作,不但能使中阿双方和广大发展中国家受益,还将促使国际话语格局朝着积极、公平的方向发展。     

Ethics, regulation and the new artificial intelligence, part II: autonomy and liability

This is the second article in a two-part series on the social, ethical and public policy implications of the new artificial intelligence (AI). The first article briefly presented a neo-Durkheimian understanding of the social fears projected onto AI, before arguing that the common and enduring myth of an AI takeover arising from the autonomous decision-making capability of AI systems, most recently resurrected by Professor Kevin Warwick, is misplaced. That article went on to argue that, nevertheless, some genuine and practical issues in the accountability of AI systems that must be addressed. This second article, drawing further on the neo-Durkheimian theory, sets out a more detailed understanding of what it is for a system to be autonomous enough in its decision making to blur the boundary between tool and agent. The importance of this is that this blurring of categories is often the basis, the first article argued, of social fears.     

Making Feminist Sense out of ‘Charlie Wilson's War’

Charlie Wilson's War (2007), Mike Nichols's film about the womanizing Congressman who engineered black funds for the CIA's proxy war in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan, is historically misleading but highly instructive, because in packaging dominant American masculine identity and war politics as popular entertainment for post-9/11 audiences, it reveals the sexed and gendered ‘politics of the visual’ in global affairs. This intertextual study of ‘Charlie Wilson's war’ as movie, constructed history and legacy examines Wilson as a prime exhibit of a needy masculinity that, like the film's emasculated CIA, bulks itself up through surrogate military selves. It also analyses modes of the imaginary and specularity in brother-bonding with the mujahidin, tracks the proxy system's loops of masculine identity-and-war-making between Stateside and South Asia in the post-Vietnam 1980s and interrogates the dynamics of imperial ‘un-seeing’ in this campaign and its long aftermath. While US proxy wars proliferate worldwide, the lack of useable political memory about the ground truths of ‘Charlie's war’ continues to matter because America's second ‘good’ war in Afghanistan, bound to the first by gendered causal links, has re-empowered the forces that still menace women's rights and lives.     

Politique et expertise scientifique. La régulation européenne des médicaments

A study of the EU system for regulating medicinal products is used to show the usefulness of distinguishing between policy-making and scientific expertise when analyzing political decision-making. This approach presupposes identifying the characteristics of scientific expertise. The experts responsible for assessing drugs have to combine knowledge and action. Questions are raised about how work is shared between decision-makers and experts. In the case of medicinal products, the work of experts has absorbed decision-making. Lest we waver between explanations in terms either of science or else of politics, it is necessary to substantively identify expertise’s political dimensions. Two conceptions — the “healthy man’s” and the “sick man’s” — of the purpose of assessing medicinal products stand out in debates; but political authorities pay no heed to them.     

The electronic face of government in the internet age: borrowing from Murray Edelman

The issue of legitimation by political elites has been a central concern of political scientists for many years. This article draws upon the work of Murray Edelman who was instrumental in analysing this relationship between rulers and ruled, the relatively powerful and relatively powerless, through an understanding of language, symbolism and the manipulation of information. It concludes with the contention that the Internet offers the prospect for governments to create new 'electronic faces', which act to support a symbolic architecture of power.     

Le SAT et l’accès aux études supérieures : le recrutement des élites américaines en question

James Conant developed the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) in the 1930s in line with thought about the mobility of elites, a subject that many American as well as European intellectuals were discussing. This test, now used for the admission of high school graduates to universities, was to be a means for detecting talented youngsters and, in fine, producing a model of society. Nowadays, the SAT has a value as a means of effectively comparing students nationwide; but in practice, it serves to reproduce a certain social elite. Far from measuring pure intelligence disconnected from culture, it has turned into a commodity advantageous to certain social groups and ethnic communities.     

Destins professionnels des femmes ingénieures. Des retournements inattendus

In the late 1970s, a major change in techniques and a modification of the job structure opened the way for women to become engineers in the computer sciences. At the time, working conditions and policies for managing careers allowed them to benefit from ascending mobility, while still investing in family life. Given its strong growth, information technology soon became the main branch of the French economy with openings for women engineers. The downturn in employment during the 1990s and its management through “psychology-based” training arrangements restored the sexual division of labor, as women were forced out of “noble” positions in engineering and design or even out of the branch itself. These two recent trends — a feminization and then “defeminization” of reputedly “masculine” jobs — are analyzed.     

On Subtitle Translation

Under the background of increasingly frequent international cultural exchanges, the film subtitle translation attracts more and more attention. It helps the film appreciation across different cultures and promotes the culture transmission. In the film subtitle translation practice, a lot of efforts have been made. The status quo of film subtitle translation is fairish on the whole. But there are still several major problems hindering the development of film subtitle translation. Thus there is still a lot to do to improve it.     

WHAT IS THE MULTITUDE?

Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman continue their conversation with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. (See ‘The Global Coliseum: On Empire’ in Cultural Studies, 16.2, (March 2002), p. 177–192). In this new interview they press the authors of Empire and Multitude on questions that have arisen both out of their own involvement with the theoretical issues generated by Empire and from new areas opened up by Multitude. Why is the multitude not a class? How can the unity of a political project be maintained in the multiplicity of the multitude? Is democracy still a project for the future? Can a political subject constitute itself outside the structure of sovereignty? In other words, what is the multitude?     

DEFINING MOMENTS: THE TENSION BETWEEN RICHNESS AND REACH

The defining moments of traditional spatially based higher education are made up of fixed and fluid experiences. These 'moments' are now creaking as funding per student falls and the romanticized ideal of an education detached from 'real' life falters under the weight of highly variable student experiences. Distance learning in all its guises has always been regarded as inferior by those embedded in the traditional system. However more and more students demand something different from costly campus-based education. It is time for a more open discussion about the tensions between richness and reach and the role that new facilities like the Internet could play in reaching more students without wallowing in the nostalgia that often accompanies such debates.     

The causes of terrorism

Abstract

Terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 and after intensified concerns about a global Jihad and other forms of terrorism, and renewed calls to better understand its causes or roots. There have been divergent views on this question, and terrorism has been argued to be caused by increased poverty, rapid urbanization, declining traditional authority, globalization, and so forth. These differences, reflecting philosophical, religious, political and other differences, are not merely academic; they can affect our understanding of both the threat and of responses to terrorism. This article provides an analytic framework for understanding the limits to understanding the causes of terrorism, identifying what can be known about causation and assessing counterterrorism implications.