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On the basis of largely neglected Hungarian sources and Austrian archival material, this article argues that, with the emergence of a “Hungarian factor” in Habsburg foreign policy after 1867, policy towards Serbia increasingly relied on the Monarchy’s personal hold over Prince Milan Obrenovi?. This strategy in turn can be seen as part of a Hungarian surrogate “imperialism,” through which the Habsburg Monarchy would enhance Hungary’s security through hegemony in the Danubian basin. The policy was eventually consolidated in 1880–1881 by a series of treaties which made Serbia an economic and political satellite of the Monarchy, but the linch-pin of the structure remained Milan Obrenovi?. Milan, however, proved an imperfect instrument since he loathed Serbia, was unpopular because of his obvious subservience to Austro-Hungarian interests, and longed for the fleshpots of Western Europe. The article suggests that such a “personal policy” was increasingly unlikely to succeed after the granting of a more liberal constitution to Serbia in 1869, and as the country became politically a more complex society. The article thus demonstrates the essentially futile nature of this exercise in personal diplomacy, and the inherent impossibility of controlling an entire society through the person of its ruler.  相似文献   

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Urban Ecosystems - In 2016, we studied the occurrence of amphibians in 231 selected ponds in the city of Wroc?aw (Lower Silesia, Poland) and confirmed the occurrence of 10 species: Bombina...  相似文献   

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Joshua D. Zimmerman (ed.), Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. University of Rutgers Press, 2003, 226pp. Maps. Index. $35.00 cloth. ISBN 0–8135–3158–6  相似文献   

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In an overall ranking by the Migration Policy Group of 2006 measuring immigrant integration policies in 28 countries, Sweden scored more points than any other country. This result is especially interesting given that Swedish integration policies differ considerably from integration policies applied in other EU countries. Whereas in countries such as the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, the United Kingdom, and France integration conditions have become increasingly restrictive in recent years, in Sweden the participation in integration courses is still voluntary and no integration requirements must be met for long‐term residence or citizenship. Moreover, the Swedish integration programme is characterised by an increasing number of labour‐market related integration measures. Yet, in contrast to the Migration Policy Group ranking, data collected from the OECD and Eurostat seem to indicate unfavourable integration outcomes in Sweden, at least in terms of labour market participation. The gap in employment rates between the native and foreign‐born population in Sweden widened during the 1990s and has not narrowed significantly since then. This means that the outcome of Swedish integration policies is at least ambiguous, which makes the use of Sweden as a model for integration policies in other member states inconceivable.  相似文献   

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This article aims to explore how the role of education as an aide in the process of “European” identity formation is being articulated in the European Union's (EU) policy of “The European dimension of education”. After having located the EU's views on education in the context of the neo‐liberal discourse on economic globalization, the article goes on to trace EU discussions of the European dimension of education historically. Subsequently, it deliberates on the understanding of European culture and identity which the European dimension of education endeavours to advance. Here a critique is developed of the policy's ethno‐culturalism, thereby excluding delineation of a collective identity in the EU. Basing itself on a notion of cultural identity which, implicitly, includes only those who fit certain versions of European historical “roots” and cultural “heritage”, the policy, it is argued, impedes a discussion of how a trans‐ethnic identity formation could be created in today's EU. Towards the end of the article, a scrutiny of the European dimension's perception of the so‐called “language diversity” in the EU seeks to illustrate this issue further.  相似文献   

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This study investigates the police reports on the peasants during the early years of the New Economic Policy as the new Soviet state attempted to establish a working relationship with rural Russia through a variety of organizations, chief among these the police. As the government sought to determine the meaning of the NEP, the police in rural Russia attempted to provide the central authorities with accurate information on economic, social, and political conditions in the countryside and to establish a positive relationship with the peasantry. In the process, the police came to understand the peasantry well and demonstrated a complex appreciation of the realities of rural Russia rather than a simple proto-Stalinist worldview. Utilizing the data from the police, the Bolshevik regime in the period to Lenin’s death also demonstrated some willingness to accept a deal with the peasantry and moderate its approach—a flexibility reflected in its change from confiscation to razverstka, and again from razverstka to a single tax, and then even to modify the tax levy to reflect peasant constructs of what was “right” to pay. This flexibility emerged in large measure because the police were returning to an earlier view of the peasants as rational beings, rather than incorrigible irrational enemies.  相似文献   

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The separation of science-based risk assessment from policy-based risk management is meant to safeguard scientific autonomy while improving evidence-based policy-making. This risk regulation model is used in several policy domains and especially those targeting public health like food safety. Research reported in this article shows this approach to be deficient despite its conceptual simplicity and strong organizational basis. The problem is twofold: first, risk regulation as currently practiced is associated with a biased take on “science” at both stages of risk assessment and risk management; second, it displays an over-reliance on legislative measures with few follow-through mechanisms. The article illustrates how these problems are played out and discusses their implications using two examples from the area of chemical contamination, namely aflatoxins and dioxins in food  相似文献   

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《Slavonica》2013,19(2):149-166
Abstract

This essay examines the poetry of the Polish Nobel Prize-winning poet in the context of contemporary ecofeminist thought, especially the work of Karen J. Warren, Sandra Harding, and Anthony Weston. I propose to look at Szymborska's ecological ethics (her view of humanity and other species as equals), her epistemology (questioning and non-hierarchical thinking), and her formal practice (irony, humour, dialogic form, decentring of the human point of view) as consequential, logically interdependent elements of an underlying philosophical system. This system has its foundation in ecofeminist multicentrism: the view of the world as comprised of many centres, i.e. many moral agencies, human and more-than-human, and many points of view, all different yet of equal value. Ecofeminist philosophy provides a framework and a vocabulary that explains the provocative and puzzling aspects of Szymborska's poetry as elements of a strong political statement in defence of the earth and all beings that inhabit it.  相似文献   

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A significant number of voters are turning their backs on traditional parties. The stability of European party systems is being defied by a growing number of (new) radical parties, whose presence in the European Parliament has never been as strong as it is now. Faced with the worst global economic crisis of the last 80 years and with growing socio-economic inequalities, a series of political groups, referred to as populists, have secured almost a quarter of the seats in the European Parliament. This paper aims to highlight some of the reasons why these parties attract so much support and to reach a better understanding, from a comparative perspective, of the profile of these electorates as well as their motivations and aspirations. The analysis is based on the study of microdata (N?=?30,064) from the European Election Study 2014 conducted in the EU after the European elections of 2014.  相似文献   

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VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - Social enterprises have gained wide recognition as a tool for solving social and environmental problems. They generate new...  相似文献   

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Comparisons of international child welfare systems have identified two basic orientations to practice; a ‘child protection’ orientation and a ‘child welfare’ orientation, which are founded upon fundamentally different values and assumptions regarding the family, the origins of childcare problems, and the proper role of the state in relation to the family. This paper describes a project which sought to compare how undergraduate social work students from three European Universities perceive risk in referrals about the welfare of children and to explore the impact of different cultural, ideological and educational contexts on the way in which risk is constructed by students. Students from Northern Ireland, Germany and Poland examined three vignettes via 10 online discussion fora each of which provided a narrative summary of their discussion. The paper presents some findings from the analysis of the qualitative data emerging from the student discussions and draws out the lessons learned in terms of how the project was designed and implemented using online discussion fora.  相似文献   

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