Small-dollar children's saving accounts and children's college outcomes by race

This is paper three of four in the Small-Dollar Children Accounts series that studies the relationship between children's small dollar savings accounts and college enrollment and graduation. The series uses different subsamples to examine three important research questions: (a) Are children with savings of their own more likely to attend or graduate from college? (b) Does dosage (no account, only basic savings, savings designated for school of less than $1, $1 to $499, or $500 or more) matter? And (c) is designating for school more predictive of college enrollment or graduation than having basic undesignated savings alone? Using propensity score weighted data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and its supplements we created multi-treatment dosages of savings accounts and amounts to answer these questions separately for black (n = 404) and white (n = 453) children. White children's savings are not significantly related to their college outcomes. Differently, compared to black children without savings accounts, black children are three times more likely to enroll in college when they have school savings of less than $1 and six times more likely when they have school savings of $1 to $499. Further, black children with school savings of $1 to $499 are four times more likely to graduate from college and black children with school savings of $500 or more are three-and-a-half times more likely to graduate from college, compared to those with no savings account. We suggest Child Development Accounts (CDAs) may be a promising tool for helping black children get to and through college.     

Small-dollar accounts,children's college outcomes,and wilt

This is paper four of four in the Small-Dollar Children's Savings Account series, which studies the relationship between children's small-dollar savings accounts and college enrollment and graduation. This series of papers examines three important research questions using different subsamples: (a) Are children with savings of their own more likely to attend or graduate from college? (b) Does dosage (i.e., having no account, only basic savings, savings designated for school [of less than $1, $1 to $499, or $500 or more]) matte? And (c) is having savings designated for school more predictive than having basic savings alone? In this study we use a sample of children who expect to graduate college prior to leaving high school as a way of looking at wilt. In this study “wilt” occurs when a child who expects to graduate from college while in high school does not graduate college by 2009. Using propensity score weighted data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and its supplements we created multi-treatment dosages of savings accounts and amounts to answer the previous questions. We find that in the aggregate children who expect to graduate college prior to leaving high school (high-expectation children) and who designate savings for school of $500 or more are about two times more likely to graduate college than high-expectation children with no account. High-expectation low- and moderate-income (LMI) children who designate school savings of $1 to $499 and $500 or more are about three times more likely to graduate college than LMI children with no account. Further, high-expectation black children who have school savings of $500 or more are about two and half times more likely to graduate from college than their counterparts with no savings account.     

Small-dollar children's savings accounts and children's college outcomes

This is paper one of four in the small-dollar children's savings account series, which, studies the relationship between children's small-dollar savings accounts and college enrollment and graduation. This series of papers uses different subsamples to examine three important research questions: (a) are children with savings of their own more likely to attend or graduate from college? (b) does dose (i.e., having no account, only basic savings, savings designated for school [of less than $1, $1 to $499, or $500 or more]) matter? and (c) is having savings designated for school more predictive than having basic savings alone? Paper one of this series uses aggregate data from the newest wave of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and its supplements. Propensity score weighted findings suggest that children who have a small amount of money (e.g., less than $1 or $1 to $499) designated for school are 3 times and 2.5 times more likely, respectively, to enroll in and graduate from college, respectively, than children with no account. Findings also show that having savings designated for school might have a stronger effect on relationship with children's college outcomes than having basic savings that can be used for any purpose. The paper concludes by explaining how policies that create national children's savings programs might help cue a psychological process in which children form an identities as college-savers.     

The role of savings and wealth in reducing ‘wilt’ between expectations and college attendance

‘Wilt’ occurs when a young person in high school expects to attend college but does not do so shortly after graduating. In this study we find that youth with no savings account in their own name are more likely to experience wilt than any other group examined. In multivariate analysis, young people who expect to graduate from a four-year college and have an account are approximately six times more likely to attend college than those with no account. Teens who expect to graduate from a four-year college and have designated a portion of their savings for college are approximately three times more likely to attend college than those with no account. Additionally, when savings are taken into account, academic achievement is no longer a significant predictor of college attendance. Policy implications are discussed.     

Perceived facilitators and barriers to saving among low-income youth

Asset-based social welfare programs focus on helping low- to moderate-income citizens to accumulate wealth in the form of homeownership, savings, small businesses, and higher education. Individual development accounts, savings accounts in which account holders’ deposits are matched, are a vehicle often used in these programs. In a national demonstration of individual development accounts for children (children's savings accounts), low-income youth were interviewed to learn what helped them to save and what made it difficult to save. We describe the young people's perceptions of these factors, and conclude with implications for policy and program design.     

Heterogeneous Effects of Child Development Accounts on Savings for Children’s Education

We examine effects of Child Development Accounts on savings for postsecondary education in a statewide experiment (N = 2,677), which automatically opened state-owned college savings accounts for treatment-group children, and encouraged their caregivers to open and save in participant-owned college savings accounts. The experiment achieves universal participation for children in the treatment group; almost all treatment-group children hold an account with more than $1,000 in college assets. Treatment participants we expect would hold their own participant-owned accounts without the intervention have $395 more in savings than their counterparts in the control group; those who are motivated by the intervention to hold a participant-owned account have mean deposits of $888. Those who are motivated by the intervention to save have mean deposits of $1,826. The intervention reduces the socioeconomic disparity in asset accumulation for children. The program has the potential to promote asset building for children’s education.     

How parents decide to participate and save in their children's asset-building accounts: Implications for practice, policy, and theory

Asset-based social welfare programs focus on helping low to moderate income citizens accumulate wealth in the form of home ownership, savings, small businesses, and higher education. Individual development accounts, savings accounts in which account holders' deposits are matched, are a vehicle often used in these programs. In a national demonstration of children's savings accounts (individual development accounts for children) parents participated in focus groups to discuss how they decided to enroll in this asset-building program, how they decided to open accounts for their children, and how they saved in these accounts. Findings from this study have implications for assetbuilding policy and practice, and institutional theories of saving.     

Connections with banking institutions and diverse asset portfolios in young adulthood: Children as potential future investors

A central hypothesis of Child Development Accounts (CDA) suggests that savings accounts in childhood lay a foundation for connecting to mainstream banking institutions and diversifying asset portfolios in young adulthood and beyond. While children may have limited savings to invest initially, they are financial actors who may increasingly invest money into different types of savings products over time. This paper uses propensity score weighted, longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and its supplements to examine the types of financial and nonfinancial assets owned by young adults and whether or not they are more likely to own these assets when they have savings accounts as children. The most commonly owned assets in young adulthood included savings accounts (89%), vehicles (54%) and credit cards (51%). Smaller percentages owned stocks (9%), bonds (6%), and homes (8%). On average, young adults owned two to three different assets. Having savings accounts in childhood was associated with being two times more likely to own savings accounts, two times more likely to own credit cards, and four times more likely to own stocks in young adulthood, compared to not having savings accounts in childhood. Young adults' ownership of more total financial assets was also associated with having savings accounts in childhood. Findings provide some supporting evidence of demand for children's savings accounts. Policy endeavors that remove barriers to account ownership may be advantageous for children and mainstream banks.     

Accumulating assets,debts in young adulthood: Children as potential future investors

Child Development Accounts (CDA) aim to open savings accounts in childhood as a way to lay a foundation for building assets in young adulthood and beyond. Mainstream banks may be key partners in opening the accounts in which children can build assets. While children may have limited savings to invest initially, they may increasingly invest over time by accumulating assets and debts through mainstream banks. Mainstream banks may benefit from children's increasing investments. This paper uses propensity score weighted, longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and its supplements to examine savings, assets, debt, and net worth accumulation of young adults and whether or not they accumulate more when they have savings accounts as children. Young adults accumulate a median of $1000 in savings accounts, $4600 in total assets, $965 in debt (excluding student loans), and $4000 in net worth (excluding student loans). Young adults accumulate more savings and total assets when they have savings accounts as children. They accumulate less debt and more net worth when their households accumulate high net worth.     

Savings Program Participation and Outcomes for Hispanics

Low- and moderate-income Hispanics in the United States have traditionally experienced few institutional incentives for savings and asset development and have instead encountered many disincentives. The authors provide a brief review of the various enticements and deterrents for savings and wealth development for traditionally underrepresented groups, with a focus on Hispanics. One of the most recent savings initiatives for low- and moderate-income individuals involves dedicated savings accounts, also known as Individual Development Accounts (IDAs). This study was designed to examine whether IDA program completion supports asset development over time for Hispanics. Results indicate that while there are no statistically significant differences in asset growth between IDA completers and non-completers, IDA program completers did experience more growth on all asset measures. The authors provide suggestions on how to close the racial and ethnic wealth gap for low- and moderate-income Hispanic individuals and households.     

Predicting children's savings: The role of parents' savings for transferring financial advantage and opportunities for financial inclusion

Parents transfer many forms of advantage to children based on their financial resources. Of interest is whether parents transfer educational and financial advantages and whether this occurs early in life. This paper examines financial advantage by asking whether children's own savings—apart from that of their parents—can be predicted by a separate measure of parents' savings for their child. This study predicts children's basic and college savings at ages 12 to 15 with separate samples from low-to-moderate- (LMI; N = 333) and high-income (HI; N = 411) households using Panel Study of Income Dynamics and Child Development Supplement data. Propensity score weighting and logistic regression results find that parents' savings for their child is significant in both household types. Given this, policies that aim to include children in savings may help reduce transfers of financial advantage and, ultimately, educational advantage.     

Examining the relationship between parental educational expectations and a community-based children's savings account program

This paper presents evidence of the relationship between exposure to a community-based Children's Savings Account (CSA) program and parents' educational expectations for their children. We examine survey data collected as part of the rollout and implementation of The Promise Indiana CSA program. Although results differ by parental income and education, results using the full sample suggest that parents are more likely to expect their elementary school-age children to attend college if they have a 529 account or were exposed to the additional aspects of the Promise Indiana program (i.e., the marketing campaign, college and career classroom activities, information about engaging champions, trip to a University, and the opportunity to enroll into The Promise). Parents who were both exposed to the additional aspects of the Promise Indiana program and have a 529 account are over three times more likely to expect their child to attend college than others, increasing to 13 times more likely among parents with no college education. Overall, results suggest a community-based CSA program – Promise Indiana – is associated with nontrivial benefits for families.     

Parental unemployment and children's educational attainment: How big is the role of aspirations?

Children exposed to parental unemployment have been found to lag behind in school, but research has struggled to pin down the underlying explanation. One hypothesis is that parental unemployment may dampen children's aspirations to do well and go far in school. Yet, few studies on parental unemployment have relied on actual measures of children's aspirations or devised a formal analysis of this mechanism. Using the UK Household Longitudinal Study (Waves 1–12, N = 1067), I investigate the role of educational aspirations in children's General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) attainment. I compare adolescents exposed to parental unemployment before or only after the typical age at which GCSE exams are taken. In adjusted models, children exposed to parental unemployment before their GCSEs are around 6 percentage points less likely to attain any GCSE qualification by age 17. On average, children have high educational aspirations, although intentions to enrol in college or university are relatively lower among children exposed to an early spell of parental unemployment. Nevertheless, a hypothetical intervention setting these aspirations to the same level for all children only accounts for a modest portion of the educational penalty tied to an early spell of parental unemployment. Several sensitivity and robustness tests support this conclusion. This note seeks to stimulate more research on the mechanisms underpinning the intergenerational effects of unemployment. Findings cast doubts on the idea that children's aspirations, the target of broader policy discourse and interventions, are a crucial part of the equation.     

The impact of maternal education on children's enrollment in early childhood education and care

This study examined the influence of maternal education and other child and family characteristics on the enrollment of children in early childhood education and care. Data come from the National Household Education Survey for a 14-year period and include children ages 0-5 years old. Multinomial logit analysis was employed to show the effect of maternal education on the likelihood of being enrolled in a specific type of care arrangement including both formal and informal settings. Findings suggest that more advantaged children, even those under 3 years of age, enroll in higher quality settings, thereby granting them an advantage when they begin school.     

Improving College Progress among Low- to Moderate-Income (LMI) Young Adults: The Role of Assets

Little is known about the impact of assets on low- to -moderate-income (LMI) young adults’ college progress. In this study college progress refers to young adults who were currently enrolled in, or who have a degree from, a 2-year college or a 4-year college. Findings from this study suggest LMI young adults with school savings were more than three times as likely to be on course than LMI young adults without any savings or who had savings but had not designated any of it for school. In regard to net worth, we found no evidence to suggest that higher amounts of negative net worth were statistically significant; however, high positive net worth was associated with LMI young adults college progress. Findings suggest policy instruments designed to assist adolescents to save such as universal Child Development Accounts may be a simple and effective strategy for helping to keep LMI young adults on course.     

Math Achievement and Children’s Savings: Implications for Child Development Accounts

In this study, we propose that children who have a savings account may be more likely to have higher math scores than children without a savings account. We find that children’s savings accounts are positively associated with math scores. Children with savings accounts on average score almost nine percent higher in math than children without a savings account. Further, results suggest that children’s savings accounts fully mediate the relationship between household wealth and children’s math scores. However, household wealth moderates the mediating relationship. We find math scores of low-wealth children increase by 2.13, middle-wealth children’s increase by 4.36, while high-wealth children’s increase by 6.59 points. Policy implications are discussed.     

Prevalence and economic well-being of families raising multiple children with disabilities

This study estimates the prevalence of households raising more than one child with disabilities, and examines these families' economic well-being. Using pooled data from the 2004 and 2008 Survey of Income and Program Participation we compare households with multiple children with disabilities (n = 932) to households with one disable child (n = 3457) and to households with at least one child but none with disabilities (n = 21,378) on measures of material hardship. Three percent of U.S. households with children had more than one disabled child. Compared to other households with children, those with multiple children with disabilities were significantly more likely to have income below the federal poverty level and to report material hardships. The number of children with disabilities is an important contextual variable for studying the economic circumstances under which, care is provided to children with disabilities. Its implications for practice and policy are discussed.     

Stability and sequence of center-based and family childcare: Links with low-income children's school readiness

The school readiness of a large sample (n = 2682) of ethnically and linguistically diverse, low-income children was examined as a function of whether children remained in family childcare (FCC) or center-based care (CBC) throughout their three and four-year-old preschool years, or whether they switched to the other type of childcare or to a public school pre-K program at age four. Children's pre-academic development (cognition, fine motor, and language) was assessed with the Learning Accomplishment Profile — Diagnostic (LAP-D), and teachers and parents rated children's social skills and behavior concerns with the Devereux Early Childhood Assessment (DECA) at three time points over two years. All children, regardless of childcare sequence, demonstrated some gains in school readiness. However, children receiving stable CBC over the two years made moderate gains in pre-academic skills and teacher-reported social skills. Children in stable FCC exhibited some gains in fine motor, language, and teacher reported-social skills but lost ground relative to national norms in cognitive skills. Children who switched between CBC and FCC did not show as much pre-academic growth (with those who switched to FCC gaining the least); however, children who switched from CBC to FCC did demonstrate strong teacher-reported social skills. Children who switched to public school pre-K programs at age four showed the strongest school readiness and were the only group to score above national averages in language and cognition.     

Latin American Immigration,Maternal Education,and Approaches to Managing Children's Schooling in the United States

Concerted cultivation is the active parental management of children's educations that, because it differs by race/ethnicity, nativity, and socioeconomic status, plays a role in early educational disparities. Analyses of the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study–Kindergarten Cohort (n = 10,913) revealed that foreign‐born Latina mothers were generally less likely to engage in school‐based activities, enroll children in extracurricular activities, or provide educational materials at home when children were at the start of elementary school than were U.S.‐born White, African American, and Latina mothers, in part because of their lower educational attainment. Within the foreign‐born Latina sample, the link between maternal education and the three concerted cultivation behaviors did not vary by whether the education was attained in the United States or Latin America. Higher maternal education appeared to matter somewhat more to parenting when children were girls and had higher achievement.