Health Selection,Migration, and HIV Infection in Malawi

Despite its importance in studies of migrant health, selectivity of migrants—also known as migration health selection—has seldom been examined in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This neglect is problematic because several features of the context in which migration occurs in SSA—very high levels of HIV, in particular—differ from contextual features in regions that have been studied more thoroughly. To address this important gap, we use longitudinal panel data from Malawi to examine whether migrants differ from nonmigrants in pre-migration health, assessed via SF-12 measures of mental and physical health. In addition to overall health selection, we focus on three more-specific factors that may affect the relationship between migration and health: (1) whether migration health selection differs by destination (rural-rural, rural-town, and rural-urban), (2) whether HIV infection moderates the relationship between migration and health, and (3) whether circular migrants differ in pre-migration health status. We find evidence of the healthy migrant phenomenon in Malawi, where physically healthier individuals are more likely to move. This relationship varies by migration destination, with healthier rural migrants moving to urban and other rural areas. We also find interactions between HIV-infected status and health: HIV-infected women moving to cities are physically healthier than their nonmigrant counterparts.     

City-suburban destination choices among migrants to metropolitan areas

An analysis of destination choices among metropolitan bound migrants in an already highly urban society is a means toward gauging trends in the urbanization process. The results of this paper indicated that destination choices were strongly influenced by SMSA size, with larger SMSAs and particularly their suburban rings attractive to migrants. This pattern suggested the further growth of the larger SMSAs, to the detriment of those smaller in size. In addition, the varied status of migrants entering the ring pointed toward its increased heterogeneity. Yet, among small SMSAs, the central city received more and higher-status migrants than the ring. Here, destination choice was also linked to similarity to the migrant's past residence. Regional differences emerged, and a closer examination of small and very large SMSAs suggested that destination choices were influenced by previous patterns of urban growth.     

Migrant-native socioeconomic differentials in Thailand

Recent research has suggested that the position of many urban migrants compares favorably with that of urban natives. This generalization is refined by referring to three key distinctions: migrants from rural versus urban origins, recent versus more experienced cityward migrants, and type of urban destination. In Thailand in the early 1970s, migrants to smaller urban centers, especially the more experienced migrants, are economically more successful than migrants to the large metropolitan centers and in some cases are more successful than urban natives. Reasons for this pattern are discussed.     

A study of migration to Greater Santiago (Chile)

The most significant results of a survey in Greater Santiago in 1962 by the Latin American Demographic Center are presented in this paper. The population studied had slightly more than 2 million inhabitants at the time the survey was taken. A probability sample was drawn and interviews were taken without regard to the migration status of the household. The interview schedules were designed to obtain data on the demographic and social aspects of the migrant as contrasted with the non-migrant population. Migration history, the objective and subjective factors that appear to have "motivated" movement to Santiago, and other aspects oj the migratory move itself were also topics of inquiry.Tabulations of this survey portray Santiago as a city of great in-migration. The flow is estimated to be between 1.5 and 1.7 percent per year. Among the population 15 years of age or over, about 50 percent were found to be migrants from outside the metropolitan area. A high level of flow has been sustained for several decades, for only 60 percent of the total in-migrants have arrived during the last twenty years.Migration to Santiago was found to be selective by sex. For each two male in-migrants there were three female migrants. Migration was also selective by age. During the decade preceding the survey, two-thirds had arrived before attaining their twenty-fifth birthday. Forty-four percent of the men and 51 percent of the women had been between 15 and 29 years of age at time of arrival. The migrants had moved very little before their journey to Santiago. Among those who were 15 years of age or older at the time of migration, more than half had moved directly from their place of birth to Santiago. Prior mobility was slightly higher among persons coming from rural or semiurban origins than among those coming from urban origins.Two-thirds of the in-migrants arrived from urban places (places of 5,000 or more inhabitants in 1952). Despite the fact that in 1952 almost 50 percent of Chile's population outside Santiago was genuinely rural, only 13 percent of the in-migrants came from such origins. The balance came from areas classed as semiurban.The principal motive given for making the move to Santiago was work in 60 percent of the cases. Education was the second most commonly cited principal motive, given by 10 percent. Among those coming from rural and semiurban origins, an even greater proportion claimed work to be the principal motive, while those coming from urban settings were more inclined to report education.The spatial distribution of migrants within the territory of Greater Santiago was studied in four sectors, each with different socioeconomic characteristics. The present distribution, as well as the distribution of first places of residence, indicates that the distribution was more or less proportionate among the sectors and follows the expansion of the metropolitan area. However, a high concentration of migrant women was found in the middle- and upper-class residential sectors. This is probably due to the existence of housemaids in those sectors.Migrants were found to be living in poorer housing than non-migrants-especially for families whose heads were recent migrants(from 1952 to 1962). Among the migrants who had arrived within the last ten years, 30 percent lived in dwellings that lacked the basic services, such as running water, electricity, or sewer. Migrants who had arrived more than ten years before the survey tended to live in houses lacking these facilities only with about the same frequency as the non-migrants-23 percent.The educational attainment of migrants was lower than that of natives. This differential was especially great among women.The recent migrants have a greater rate of labor-force participation than the other groups. Among males, the rate for migrants was 84 percent and for natives 78 percent. The differential is even greater in the group 15-29 years of age, where the rates were 73 percent for migrants and 61 percent for natives. A similar differential was found for women.An income differential unfavorable toward migrants was found for both male and female workers. Among male workers there were no major occupational differences between migrants and non-migrants; among both migrants and natives two-thirds of the labor-force participants were classified as laborers. Among women there was a large differential; 80 percent of female migrants were laborers as contrasted with 56 percent for natives.It is interesting to mention that the proportion of manual workers, in the group "personal services," is higher among migrants than among natives. And, at the same time, the proportion of non-manual workers, in the group of "professionals and techniques," is higher among migrants than among natives.Finally, fertility of the native married women, whose husbands were present, is high. The average number of living children of women from 20 to 49 years old was 3.38 for native women and 3.19 for migrant women.     

Motivations for the inmigration component of population turnaround in nonmetropolitan areas

Data from a 1977 survey of metropolitan and nonmetropolitan origin households migrating to 75 high net inmigration counties of the Midwest are examined to consider the motivational basis for the inmigration component of post-1970 nonmetropolitan migration trends. Findings suggest that the major stated motivations for leaving places of origin, especially among those from metropolitan areas, are "quality of life" considerations. Abouth a fourth of the metropolitan origin migrants' and half of the nonmetropolitan origin migrants' reasons are job-related. Anti-urban push and pro-rural pull responses are prevalent among migrants from metropolitan areas. Subsequent analysis of reasons for leaving metropolitan residences suggests consistency with other objective variables. Among households with a working-age head, those leaving for "quality of life" reasons came disproportionately from the largest metropolitan centers and went to the smallest towns. Those moving for non-employment reasons are not more likely to have taken an initial income loss, though they are less likely to experience immediate income gains.     

Migration, fertility, and state policy in Hubei Province, China

Despite China s one-child family planning policy, the nation experienced a slight rise in the birth rate in the mid-1980s. Many observers attributed this rise to the heightened fertility of those rural-to-urban migrants who moved without a change in registration (temporary migrants), presumably to avoid the surveillance of family planning programs at origin and destination. Using a sequential logit analysis with life-history data from a 1988 survey of Hubei Province, we test this possibility by comparing nonmigrants, permanent migrants, and temporary migrants. While changing family planning policies have a strong impact on timing of first birth and on the likelihood of higher-order births, migrants generally do not have more children than nonmigrants. In fact, migration tends to lower the propensity to have a child. More specifically, the fertility of temporary migrants does not differ significantly from that of other women.     

Natives and migrants in the London labour market, 1929–1931

Migrants are sometimes regarded as marginal workers in metropolitan labour markets. London has long been a major destination for migrants from elsewhere in Britain and abroad. In this paper we examine the earnings and unemployment experience in 1929–1931 of male workers who migrated to London, or within London. We use data from the New Survey of London Life and Labour, a large survey of working class households, the records from which have recently been computerised. Our findings indicate that migrants were not marginal, in fact they enjoyed slightly higher earnings and lower unemployment incidence than native Londoners. Much of the advantage can be explained by differences in average skill levels and personal characteristics. Received: 2 November 1999/Accepted: 3 August 2000     

Migration and the latino family: The union formation behavior of Puerto Rican women

This study examines the transition to first union among Puerto Rican women. I argue that understanding the behavior of mainland Puerto Ricans requires attention to family patterns in Puerto Rico and to the dynamics of migration between Puerto Rico and the United States. The study therefore is based on pooled data from comparable surveys undertaken in the two settings. These data allow for event history analyses that compare the union formation behavior of migrants with that of nonmigrants, and consider the role of migration in producing the observed union patterns. Multivariate models show that migrants are more likely than nonmigrants to form unions early and to enter informal unions. Additional analyses show that selective migration plays a role in producing this pattern. Overall the findings demonstrate the importance of using data from both origin and destination locales for understanding the behavior of migrant groups.     

Inter-regional migration in Indonesia: a micro approach

We study the extent to which the likelihood of specific types of migration in Indonesia varies by the situation in the labour market and family life course. We distinguish migration types according to origin and destination (Jakarta, other metropolitan areas, and non-metropolitan areas). For migration from Jakarta, we also distinguish migration to other metropolitan areas within commuting distance. As expected, we find that young adults are the most mobile category. As an exception, migration from Jakarta to nearby metro areas was just as likely for ages 30–54 as for ages 23–29. Our findings suggest that migration to Jakarta and other metropolitan areas, in particular, is most likely undertaken for better education or jobs. Married people are more likely than others to leave Jakarta for nearby metropolitan areas.     

Effects of migration on the educational levels of the black resident population at the origin and destination, 1955–1960 and 1965–1970

Using the 1960 and 1970 census data, this paper analyzes the net effects of the interregional migration of black males on the educational levels of the resident black male population at the regions of origin and destination. Significant variations are observed in the educational selectivity of out-migrants from each region, by region of destination. Comparing the educational levels of the return migrants to the South with those of the resident population in the nonsouthern regions provides no evidence that the return migrants are "failed" migrants. The net effect of interregional migration on the educational levels of the black male resident population at the regions of origin and destination is insignificant in most age groups, for both the 1955--1960 and 1965--1970 periods. In particular, in-migration from the South to nonsouthern regions has little effect on the educational levels of the resident population in most age groups. In fact, for nonsouthern regions, out-migration is more detrimental to the educational level of the resident black male population than is in-migration from the South. Furthermore, the net effect of interregional migration has declined from the 1955--1960 period to the 1965--1970 period.     

Migrant women of Mindanao: a differential profile from the 1983 National Demographic Survey

Researchers analyzed 1983 data on 3644 ever married 15-49 year old women living in Mindanao, a traditionally Muslim dominated area, in the Philippines to look at differentials in socioeconomic and demographic factors between migrant and nonmigrant women. When they controlled for other variables, differentials existed only for place of residence, religion, and education. Women living in urban areas were more likely to be migrants than nonmigrants (26.9% vs. 18.6%; p.01). Christians also tended to be migrants (92.3% vs. 7.7%; p/01). Yet the coefficient of the interaction between place of residence and Christian was strongly negative (p.01). Thus the odds of an urban resident being a migrant was reduced from 1.46-1.15 when considering Christians. Among Christians, differences in education between migrants and nonmigrants was small. On the other hand, the more educated a Muslim woman was the less likely she was a migrant (p.05). Further all socioeconomic differentials were consistently significant at either the 1% or 5% level for women who migrated 2 times, but not for primary migrants or return migrants. Women who migrated 3 times and those who migrated back to where they had lived earlier, but not to place of birth, were different than nonmigrants in terms of occupation and education only. In the early 1970s, armed conflicts between Muslims and Christians and between government troops and Muslim groups resulted in considerable displacement of families. Yet this conflict could only account for differentials between the 2 religious groups before 1975, but these data could not infer other reasons for migration. Researchers should explore these reasons. These result indicated that policy makers should focus on religious and place of residence differentials rather than migrant/nonmigrant differentials to promote equality among groups of women.     

Born in another country: Women's experience of labour and birth in Queensland,Australia

BackgroundWomen born outside Australia make up more than a fifth of the Queensland birthing population and like migrants in other parts of the world face the challenges of cultural dislocation and possible language barriers. Recognising that labour and birth are major life events the aim was to investigate the experiences of these women in comparison to native-born English speaking women.MethodsSecondary analysis of data from a population based survey of women who had recently birthed in Queensland. Self-reported clinical outcomes and quality of interpersonal care of 481 women born outside Australia who spoke a language other than English at home were compared with those of 5569 Australian born women speaking only English.ResultsAfter adjustment for demographic factors and type of birthing facility, women born in another country were less likely to be induced, but more likely to have constant electronic fetal monitoring (EFM), to give birth lying on their back or side, and to have an episiotomy. Most women felt that they were treated as an individual and with kindness and respect. However, women born outside Australia were less likely to report being looked after ‘very well’ during labour and birth and to be more critical of some aspects of care.ConclusionIn comparing the labour and birth experiences of women born outside the country who spoke another language with native-born English speaking women, the present study presents a largely positive picture. However, there were some marked differences in both clinical and interpersonal aspects of care.     

A Profile of the World's Young Developing Country International Migrants

Individual‐level census and household survey data are used to present a rich profile of young developing country international migrants around the world. They are found to comprise a large share of the flow of migrants, particularly among migrants to other developing countries, with the age distribution of migrants peaking in the late teens or early twenties. Detailed data are presented on the age and sex composition of migrants, on whether young migrants move alone or with a parent or spouse, on their participation in schooling and work in the destination country, on the types of jobs they have, and on the incidence and age of return migration. The results suggest a high degree of commonality in the youth immigrant experience across a number of destination countries. Recent developing country young migrants tend to work in similar occupations and are more concentrated in these occupations than recent older migrants or young immigrants who arrived at an earlier age. Nevertheless, there is also considerable heterogeneity among young immigrants with respect to school attendance and work in their destination country. The potential of international migration for building human capital is significant but far from being fully used.     

Mental health issues: a comparison of lesbian, bisexual and heterosexual women

This study examines mental health issues among women of different sexual orientations. An anonymous survey was administered at 33 health care sites across the United States; the sample (N = 1304) included lesbians (n = 524), bisexual (n = 143) and heterosexual women (n = 637). Not only did sexual orientation influence the probability of experiencing emotional stress, but also whether a bisexual woman or lesbian had disclosed her sexual orientation (was "out") impacted the likelihood of having or having had mental health problems. Bisexual women and lesbians experienced more emotional stress as teenagers than did heterosexual women. Bisexual women were more than twice as likely to have had an eating disorder compared to lesbians. If a bisexual woman reported being out she was twice as likely to have had an eating disorder compared to a heterosexual woman. Lesbians who were not out and bisexual women who were out were 2-2.5 times more likely to experience suicidal ideation in the past 12 months. Lesbians and bisexual women who were not out were more likely to have had a suicide attempt compared to heterosexual women. Lesbians used psychotherapy for depression more commonly than did heterosexual or bisexual women. This is one of the few studies that compares lesbians, bisexual and heterosexual women. The implications of these findings are discussed.     

Nonmarket networks among migrants: evidence from metropolitan Bangkok,Thailand

This paper examines the nonmarket interactions among migrants in the urban labor market of Bangkok, Thailand. We test whether the population size and the labor-market performance of previous migrants have externalities to new migrants who have moved from the same province of origin. Our empirical results, which control origin fixed effects, time fixed effects, and origin- and year-specific correlated shocks, show that (1) the relative population size of previous migrants in the market decreases the employment probability of new migrants (substitution effect), (2) the employment probability of previous migrants increases that of new migrants (positive externalities), and (3) when the employment probability of previous migrants is high, however, the scale effect becomes positive, which demonstrates a threshold in the informational scale economies. The results imply that positive informational scale effect dominates negative substitution effect when the efficiency of previous migrants is sufficiently high in the destination labor market.

Who moves and who stays? Rural out-migration in Nigeria

Data from the nationally representative 1993 Migration and Urbanization Survey of Nigeria are used to simultaneously examine the patterns of rural-rural and rural-urban migration in Nigeria. A multinomial logistic regression model predicts the independent and collective association between individual, household, and regional variables and migration from rural areas to rural and urban destinations. Associations between education, religion and ethnicity and migration propensities exist at the national level. The Kanuri-Shua Arabs are generally non-migrants, the Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba are predominantly rural-rural migrants and the Igbo-Ibibio and Urhobo-Isoko-Edo are predominantly ruralurban migrants. Christians are significantly more mobile than Muslims. While the highly educated are most likely to choose an urban destination, a significant proportion migrate to other rural areas. Concern over population concentration is not supported, as rural migrants move to all regions and to urban and rural areas.     

Migration and premarital childbearing among Puerto Rican women

This paper examines the relationship between migration and premarital childbearing in a highly migratory Latino subgroup, Puerto Rican women. Using pooled origin-destination data from surveys conducted in Puerto Rico and in the New York metropolitan area, we find that first- and second-generation migrants to the u.s. mainland face substantially higher risks of conceiving and bearing a first child before marriage than do nonmigrants in Puerto Rico. This pattern is due largely to the relatively early transition to sexual activity among mainland women. Given the negative long-term consequences of premarital childbearing for women and their children, our findings call into question the assumption that migrants necessarily experience only positive outcomes as a result of the assimilation process.     

Migration,Marital Change,and HIV Infection in Malawi

Research on the relationship between migration and HIV infection in sub-Saharan Africa often suggests that migrants are at higher risk of HIV infection because they are more likely to engage in HIV risk behaviors than nonmigrants, and they tend to move to areas with a relatively higher HIV prevalence. Although migration may be a risk factor for HIV infection, I instead focus on the possibility that the HIV positive are more likely to migrate. Using a longitudinal data set of permanent rural residents and migrants from Malawi, I find that migrants originating from rural areas are indeed more likely than nonmigrants to be HIV positive and to have engaged in HIV risk behaviors. The increased HIV risk among migrants may be due to the selection of HIV-positive individuals into migration; I find that HIV-positive individuals are more likely to migrate than those who are HIV negative. The explanation for this phenomenon appears to be marital instability, which occurs more frequently among HIV-positive individuals and leads to migration after marital change.     

Different Reasons,Different Results: Implications of Migration by Gender and Family Status

Previous research on migration and gendered career outcomes centers on couples and rarely examines the reason for the move. The implicit assumption is usually that households migrate in response to job opportunities. Based on a two-year panel from the Current Population Survey, this article uses stated reasons for geographic mobility to compare earnings outcomes among job migrants, family migrants, and quality-of-life migrants by gender and family status. We further assess the impact of migration on couples’ internal household economy. The effects of job-related moves that we find are reduced substantially in the fixed-effects models, indicating strong selection effects. Married women who moved for family reasons experience significant and substantial earnings declines. Consistent with conventional models of migration, we find that household earnings and income and gender specialization increase following job migration. Married women who are secondary earners have increased odds of reducing their labor supply following migration for job or family reasons. However, we also find that migrating women who contributed as equals to the household economy before the move are no more likely than nonmigrant women to exit work or to work part-time. Equal breadwinner status may protect women from becoming tied movers.     

A study of urban population migration and urbanization in China]

Under the auspices of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and UN funding, a study was undertaken to assess Chinese urban migration and urbanization. A 2% random sample was taken of 74 cities of varying densities (divided into 5 categories ranging from "especially large city" to "town") from 16 provinces. This encompassed 23,895 households, 1,643 collectives and 100,167 people. Major data include: 38% of the subjects had migrated at least once; 7.58% lived away from home for at least 1 year; 23.98% were temporarily away from home at the time of the study; 3.6% were at home. With the exception of the "especially large city," which absorbed 46.5% of urban migrants, more migrants entered "towns" than they did "large city." Migration to the "especially large city" fell from 56.6% in the 1950s to 32.5% between 1981-86, whereas migration into the other categories increased. For example, population movement into towns jumped from 12.3% in the 1950s to 28.6% in 1981-86. In all 5 categories, intra-province migration was larger than inter-province migration. Over half of the urban migrants moved from villages to towns. More men migrated to cities than women, but slightly more women than men migrated from villages to cities (due to marriage customs). 56.6% of migrants were between 15-30 years; 23.34% were workers; 21.54% were farmers. Reasons given for moving were many, but the most often cited was work related. Work related moves often meant that such migration was dictated, rather than voluntary. Also, social, economic and political upheavals directly affected the pattern of urban migration from 1949-86. Current government policy is to develop smaller cities and to limit the growth of already densely populated areas. Until cities can provide adequate housing, food and jobs for its inhabitants, governmental intervention in some areas will continue to be necessary.