WORKER POWER, FIRM POWER, AND THE STRUCTURE OF LABOR MARKETS

The purpose of this article is to advance the conceptual development of structurally-oriented approaches to stratification by elaborating a behavioral model of the structure of labor markets that is based on power relations among both individual and collective actors. After reviewing the various approaches to the study of stratification and enumerating some of its shortcomings, a theory of the operation of labor markets that synthesizes a number of the elements in extant theories is presented. A labor market typology is developed based on the relative power of firms and workers and four distinct types of markets are delineated, i.e., worker-controlled, firm-internal, worker-firm negotiated, and competitive. In addition, the dynamics by which these labor markets are transformed is discussed. It is argued that this conceptual framework solves a number of problems inherent in extant theories of the operation of labor markets and the article concludes by suggesting areas for future research based on the theory.     

THE SMALL WORLD OF POLITICS or,SEEKING ELITES FROM THE BOTTOM UP*

Les relations interpersonnelles jouent un rôle important en politique. En guise d'exploration et dans le but de formuler des hypothèses sur les structures de relations et la politique, nous avons établi la distance sociale entre certains électeurs et leurs représentants à Ottawa et nous avons examiné plusieurs variables qui y étaient possiblement reliées. La location stratégique d'une personne dans un réseau de relations dépend principalement de son statut socioéconomique, surtout des possibilités que lui offre sa profession d'étendre son réseau de contacts. Une position plus ou moins proche de la décision politique peut peut-être expliquer une bonne partie du lien entre le statut socioéconomique et les perceptions ou activités qui y sont reliées. Nous avons trouvé des traces de liens possibles entre la proximité aux représentants et l'activité politique du répondant, sa perception de la susceptibilité du gouvernement à réagir, de son efficacité, et de l'importance des contacts pour obtenir un emploi. Plusieurs hypothèses plus spécifiques sont suggérées. Interpersonal relationships play an important part in politics. In order to explore and develop hypotheses about relational structures and politics, we determined the social distance between some constituents and their representatives in Ottawa and examined several possibly related variables. We argue that the extent to which a person is strategically located in a network of relationships stems primarily from his socioeconomic status (SES), especially from his occupational opportunities to make wide contacts, and that his location close to or not close to political decision may account for much of the link between SES and perceptions or activities correlated with it. We found traces of possible ties between closeness to representatives and the respondent's political activity, perception of government responsiveness, efficacy, and perception of importance of contacts in getting jobs. Several more detailed hypotheses were suggested.     

THE DIVISION OF LABOR IN THE FIRM

In this paper, Adam Smith's theory of labor specialization is formulated and tested. The restrictions in the theory are explicitly derived, and Smith's Theorem — that specialization will rise with the output rate — is rigorously stated. A simple human capital model is then employed to derive testable implications of the theory. Wage equations are estimated for the U.S. shipbuilding industry during World War II. The peculiarities of the war data notwithstanding, the results are strongly supportive of the theory.     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF BITCOIN

The recent proliferation of bitcoin has been a boon for users but might pose problems for governments. Indeed, some governments have already taken steps to ban or discourage the use of bitcoin. In a model with endogenous matching and random consumption preferences, we find multiple monetary equilibria including one in which bitcoin coexists with official currency. We then identify the conditions under which government transactions policy might deter the use of bitcoin. We show that such a policy becomes more difficult if some users strictly prefer bitcoin because they can avoid other users holding the official currency in the matching process. (JEL C78, E41, E42, E50)     

INDEPENDENT AGENCIES,POLITICAL INTERFERENCE,AND FIRM INVESTMENT: EVIDENCE FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION

Investment in network infrastructure is crucial for economic growth. This article studies the impact of the presence of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) on the investment of European regulated firms. We account for measurement error in formal independence of IRAs by exploiting cross‐country heterogeneity in the quality of political institutions. Results show that regulatory independence increases firms' investment rate by around 1.2%–3.3%. The positive effect survives when we control for social capital accumulation, investor protection, and market liberalization. However, the effect of IRAs is not immune to politics, as we find that political interference in regulatory functions persists in the European Union and is detrimental to firm investment. (JEL D78, L50, D92, H1)     

THE POLITICAL UNCONSCIOUS OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES

The relationship between knowledge, society, and power has been considerably rethought recently. Few defend the idea that knowledges such as the human sciences are merely representational practices. Instead, knowledge is approached as a social power to be analyzed for its social productivity. Assuming a tight link between knowledge and power, this paper aims to sketch a non-Whiggish framework for narrating the development of human sciences. I underscore how the scientization of social knowledge has, on the one hand, produced subaltern interpretative communities and, on the other hand, how these communities–as the repressed unconscious of the human sciences—have continued to shape and trouble the epistemic and social claims to authority by the human sciences.     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMICS OF THE ARAB SPRING

There were large differences in the responses of Arab dictators to the Arab Spring protests. To understand these differences, I present a stylized model of how a dictator responds to mass protests for democratization in a polarized country with two ethnic or religious groups. In this model, the dictator's response crucially depends on oil revenues and his affiliation to either the majority or the minority group. I document that the model's predictions are consistent with the observed differences in the Arab dictators' responses. Hence, ethnic politics and religious divides may play an important role in political transitions and regime changes. (JEL D72, D74)     

BROADBAND INTERNET,FIRM PERFORMANCE,AND WORKER WELFARE: EVIDENCE AND MECHANISM

This paper examines the effect of high-speed internet on firm's productivity and worker's wage in China. We exploit a national policy reform and devise a difference-in-difference strategy to address the endogeneity. We find that high-speed internet significantly increases firm's productivity and worker's wage, and the estimate is larger for firms in industries with high skill intensity and for more educated workers. We provide suggestive evidence that the mechanism is likely from firm's increased use of skill-biased technology and the flattened management organization. (JEL O2, O3, J3)     

THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

Workers' incentives to seek employment and remain employed are affected by a number of government policies. The policies themselves are in turn influenced by the political beliefs of the electorate about what working conditions and incomes should be. Using a simultaneous equations model of political climate and labor market conditions, this study shows that political liberalism may lead to decreased labor force participation and higher unemployment, particularly for women.     

THE PRESENTATION OF POLITICAL SELF:

This article asks how the cultural environment shapes activist claims making. Using data from a grassroots antitoxics/anti-incinerator movement field study, I show how activists modify their political claims as they shift their discussion from the interpersonal level (back region) to the wider public (front region). Each region has distinct constraints and opportunities that shape the construction and potency of activists' claims.
I begin by describing the interrelations between movement frames and the cultural environment; I then argue that the concept of "cultural resonance" captures these interrelations. Next, I describe the front region and back region collective action frames that activists constructed. Despite their denial, they presented claims that differed between regions. I use the ideas of region and cultural resonance to argue that distinct region specific conventions shaped activist frames into conventional styles, forms, and themes. I conclude by discussing processes of intramovement solidarity, and prospects for intermovement cooperation.     

FIRM HETEROGENEITY AND THE PATTERN OF R&D COLLABORATIONS

We consider an oligopoly setting in which firms form pairwise collaborative links in research and development with other firms. Each collaboration generates a value that depends on the identity of the firms that collaborate. First, we provide properties satisfied by pairwise equilibrium networks and efficient networks. Second, we use these properties in two types of situation: (1) there are two groups of firms, and the value of a collaboration is higher when firms belong to the same group; (2) some firms have more innovative capabilities than others. These two situations provide clear insights about how firms' heterogeneity affects both equilibrium and efficient networks. We also show that the most valuable collaborative links do not always appear in equilibrium, and a public policy that increases the value of the most valuable links may lead to a loss of social welfare. (JEL C70, L13, L20)