印度洋的海盗威胁与中国的印度洋战略

印度洋东西两端的战略通道,即马六甲海峡和索马里海域与亚丁湾,目前都面临海盗的威胁。本文从海盗产生的根源、组织方式、作案手段以及活动范围等方面,比较印度洋东、西部海域海盗的异同,分析打击印度洋海盗的国际合作中存在的问题,评述中国打击印度洋海盗的行动,阐述打击印度洋海盗在中国印度洋战略中的意义。     

论中印关系中的印度洋问题

除了边界问题和中巴关系外,近年来中印关系中的印度洋问题逐渐浮出水面。这一问题之所以出现,既与冷战后印度洋地缘战略地位的凸显有关,也与印度和中国对印度洋在各自国家发展中的价值判断有关。中国为了维护在印度洋地区合法的战略利益,采取了"非直接进入"即合作的方式进入印度洋。印度认为中国是一个竞争性的大国,因此,中国进入其视为后院的印度洋被看做是对印度的威胁。从这一认知出发,印度采取了诸多措施制衡中国在印度洋的势力发展,中国的反应则较为谨慎和温和。印度洋问题不应该成为中印关系中的"热点"。我们希望未来的印度洋是合作的印度洋,而不是冲突的印度洋,印度洋问题的妥适解决,能够有益于中印关系。     

印度的印度洋战略与中印关系发展

未来中国在印度洋的利益能否得到实现和保障,关键在于能否与把印度洋视作其国家安全要害的印度在印度洋事务上进行有效合作。中印两国间广泛的合作基础和合作内容将消解两国间所谓的＂安全困境＂,增进互信。中印在印度洋事务上的合作前景是乐观的。     

印度穆斯林的发展困境及政府的应对措施

印度的穆斯林是印度人口众多的少数群体。印度独立以后,特别是20世纪90年代印度实行经济改革以来,社会经济发展水平迅速提高。然而,印度穆斯林却未能充分享受到发展所带来的成果,在政治参与程度、经济发展水平和文化教育水平等方面面临着发展的困境。这一困境是历史和经济原因、印度政府的忽视、穆斯林自身原因和教派冲突的影响等多种因素共同作用的结果。印度政府为此采取了一系列的应对措施。     

浅析中国海权发展的若干问题

海权的争夺在世界历史和大国的地缘战略中占有重要地位,发展海权对于中国的意义更是不言而喻。在全球化的背景下,中国的崛起与海洋从未有过如此紧密的联系。本文以中国海洋意识薄弱的根源与负面影响及现代海洋意识的发展为切入点,在解读西方海权思想和中国学术界对海权认识的基础上,从海权的构成与运作两大体系的层面阐述笔者对现代意义上海权思想的理解,最后从中国海权战略定位的角度对中国发展海权的问题进行一定的思考。     

Exploring voting behavior on American Indian legislation in the United States Congress

Using roll call data from 1970 to 2000, this study explores the impacts of partisanship, regionalism, and Indian constituency on congressional pro-Indian voting in the U.S. House and Senate. This study incorporates and tests a new measure of constituency by accounting for the presence of a federally recognized tribe within congressional districts. The presence of an Indian nation has a positive effect on the voting behavior of elected officials concerning American Indian legislation, with a significant relationship observed between pro-Indian voting and congressional districts with Indian tribes. The results also suggest a strong partisan influence on the likelihood of voting with the pro-Indian position in both the House and the Senate, but with notable differences between the two chambers. Finally, partisan voting on Indian legislation intensified from the 1970s to the late 1990s, which led to more contentious voting patterns on Indian affairs in the legislative branch over time.     

中印比较视野中的印度文化

文化是一个民族的外在标识,更是一个民族精神的灵魂。作为世界上最古老的两个文化体系,中国和印度虽处在相近的地理位置,具有相似的社会结构,但两种文化却不尽相同。比较中印思维方式上的“天人合一”与“梵我同一”,精神追求上的“伦理道德”与“宗教解脱”,民族心理上的“凝聚同化”与“宽容包容”,我们发现,印度文化是具有极大包容性、强烈宗教性、深刻内省性特质的宗教文化。     

"21世纪之洋"——地缘战略视角下的印度洋

冷战结束以来,随着国际海上贸易的欣欣向荣和海湾石油地位的急遽提升,以及国际社会反恐军事行动的全面开展,印度洋这片古老的海域再次聚焦了全世界的目光。印度洋鲜明的地理构造和主要战略支点的重要战略价值,决定了其在新时期独特的地缘战略和地缘经济的地位,进而直接影响甚至塑造了印度、美国和中国等主要大国的印度洋战略选择。随着中国在印度洋地区经济和战略利益的日益抬升,从地缘战略角度重新审视印度洋地区,特别是理性认识主要国家的印度洋战略和政策变化,成为新世纪中国维护并促进在该地区重要战略利益的重要步骤。     

试析印度人民党经济思想的发展变化

印度人民党的经济思想经历了从甘地社会主义观念,到司瓦德西思想,再到自由主义政策的发展历程,这样的变化调整与社会政治形势发展是密切相关的。在不同的政治发展阶段,印度人民党依靠民族主义和现实的社会经济政策赢得选民的支持,体现了印度人民党作为具有宗教民族主义特征的现代政党,教派主义与现实主义两手抓的政治动员策略。     

Acculturation and Psychological Functioning in Asian Indian Adolescents

The objective of this exploratory study was to understand how Asian Indian immigrant families adjust to U.S. culture by examining factors that influence acculturation preferences or styles and how these styles may be associated with their children's psychological functioning, as measured by self‐esteem and academic performance. 85 U.S.‐born Asian Indian adolescents (45 girls; 40 boys) and one of their immigrant parents completed questionnaires about family demography, self‐identification, acculturation, and religiosity. Adolescents also completed a self‐perception profile. Results showed parents and adolescents had similar styles of acculturation. However, adolescents were more likely to self‐identify as ‘Indian‐American’ than were their parents. For both adolescents and their parents, integrated and assimilated acculturation styles were related to family SES, years of U.S. residence, and religiosity scores. Adolescents who had an integrated acculturation style had higher GPAs and higher scores on the self‐perception profile than did adolescents who were separated or marginalized. The findings lend tentative support for an integrated style of acculturation in promoting positive outcomes for first generation Asian Indian adolescents.     

试析印巴分治后印度穆斯林身份认同的发展变化

印巴分治后,印度穆斯林身份认同经历了三个阶段的发展变化:认同世俗主义政治、穆斯林集团意识的增强和宗教意识的增强。这一变化是多方面因素综合作用的结果,国大党世俗政策的衰微和印度教民族主义运动的复兴是其中最重要的原因。从总体来看,虽然印度穆斯林的宗教意识在增强,但一直在世俗民主政治框架下调整自己的身份认同,而这对于印度社会的稳定是非常重要的。     

The Impact of Gaming on the Indian Nations in New Mexico*

Objective. This study examines the economic and social impact of Indian gaming on the residents of the 22 pueblos and tribes in New Mexico. Method. We employ a naturally occurring quasi‐experimental design that classifies each of the Indian Nations into one of two groups, gaming and nongaming, depending on the continuous operation of a “Las Vegas” style casino for multiple years in the 1990s. For these two groups we compare aggregate, primarily U.S. Census, data spanning 25 indicators in both 1990 and 2000. Results. Although improvements were evident for both groups, nine of the 12 economic measures and six of the 13 social measures revealed a growing disparity favoring gaming nations during the 1990s, while six other measures suggested declining but continuing differences. These findings persisted in light of controls for population and urbanization, though many of the economic differences disappeared for the rural nations. Conclusion. Gaming has had a positive economic and social impact on the gaming pueblos and tribes in New Mexico, especially for the more urbanized nations. The gaming nations are enjoying higher incomes, lower levels of poverty, and improvements in selected social areas compared to those nations opting not to pursue casino gaming in the 1990s.     

American Indian Ethnic Identity: Tribal Nonresponse in the 1990 Census*

Objectives. About 11 percent of American Indians did not report their tribal affiliation on the 1990 U.S. Census form. I use several theoretical perspectives as tools to explore the reasons behind this surprising omission. Method. Logistic regression analysis is the method employed. Results. American Indians living with someone who speaks an American Indian language are very likely to report a tribal affiliation, as are those living in “Indian states” (states with historically high numbers of American Indians). Those who are least likely to report a tribal affiliation are Hispanic women with low education who report no American Indian ancestry, do not live with other American Indians, and live in a metropolitan area of a “non‐Indian state.” Conclusions. Lack of knowledge of family history appears to be one of the primary causes of tribal nonresponse. Salience of tribal identity also affects responses.     

印度传统诗学民族话语初探

关注文学本体的审美精神、形而上追求的超越精神和语言中心意识,是印度传统诗学民族话语的基本特征。其审美精神中既有对外在的形体美的关注,也有对内在的诗的灵魂的探讨以及对关感即审美享受的重视;其超越精神主要表现为解脱和虔诚的终极性超越,也有非功利的超俗性和重意蕴的超象性追求;其语言中心意识主要表现为以修辞学为核心的庄严论的发达,以及基于语言学的对诗的理解和认识。印度传统诗学中的审美精神与唯美主义、超越精神与神秘主义、语言中心意识与形式主义具有内在的联系而没有绝对的界限。     

弹性均势与中美印在印度洋上的经略

由于国际格局的变化,印度洋成为世界海权的"心脏",由此中、美、印三国的安全战略在印度洋上聚焦。尽管中美印三国的印度洋战略目标和手段各不相同,但三国在印度洋上的博弈呈现出一种"非敌非盟"的态势,"弹性均势"为此提供了理论解释。印度洋上的"弹性均势"在一段时期内难以打破,并呈现出不平衡态势。印度洋上的力量格局变化也为中国提供了进一步拓展利益的空间。     

National Identity in the Era of Globalization: Crisis and Reconstruction

The era of globalization is posing a variety of challenges to national identity. In order to meet these challenges, it is important to offer theoretical scientific interpretations of them. A scrutiny of national identity as a concept reveals that national identity is actually a “four in one” combination of institutional identity, interest identity, cultural identity and non-national community identity, with formative mechanisms characterized the unity of the primordial state and the constructive, expressive forms characterized by the unity of consciousness and action, content characterized by the unity of politics and culture, and maintenance mechanisms characterized by the unity of emotion and self-interest. In the global age, national identity crisis usually arises in political, economic and cultural levels. The root cause for national identity crisis lies in the ineffectiveness of nation states’ self-governance. In order to promote the construction of national identity in the global age, we need to: (1) promote reform of the political system, explore democratic models of governance, and create the institutional preconditions for national identity; (2) promote economic development, ensure fairness and justice, and guarantee interests in national identity; (3) develop national culture, strengthen value integration and enrich the cultural significance of national identity; and (4) recognize different levels of community development and promote community integration in national identity.     

National Identity Crisis in Developing Countries in the Global Age and Its Causes

After the 1990s, with the end of the Cold War, great changes have occurred in the world scenario, with ethnic clashes and national conflicts becoming all the more salient, making national identity a hot topic in reality and the academia. To address the issue of national identity in the age of globalization, a deep-going theoretical discussion of the logic behind it is necessary, a discussion that covers the nature of both ethno-cultural identity and national identity, the superiority of national identity to ethno-cultural identity and the logic behind national identity crisis. In terms of the need for social identity, globalization, while changing the power structure of the world, weakens the autonomy of developing countries, especially that of those which are still in the process of modernization and are confronted with risks inherent in social transformation and where a resultant structural imbalance undermines the state’s integrity and control, making national identity less appealing to ethnic groups. As a result, regional ethnic identity comes to the fore, leading to national identity crises in developing countries.     

Governance Change and Political Identity in the Internet Age

The advent of the Internet era has triggered profound changes in national governance, and the profound complexity and highly uncertain nature of governance have imposed new requirements on political identification in the new era. Whether seen environmentally from the point of view of the governance environment or from the point of view of the subjects and structures of governance, the changes brought about by the Internet to national governance have challenged political identity. Therefore, in response to the challenges to political identification posed by changes in Internet governance in the context of the new era, it is necessary to reconstruct new bonds for the political identity of the mass of the people by promoting the modernization of Internet governance on the basis of maintaining a firm grip on domination of cyberspace ideology: implementing integrated governance to achieve developmental identity; strengthening service-oriented governance to build subject identification; and promoting responsive governance to enhance sustainable identity.     

Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media

The media is often referred to as a social institution in that it is a major element of contemporary Western society. Through the media, social processes create narratives or stories within interpretative frameworks that are embedded in the cultural and political assumptions of the wider society. Since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001, the media has played a crucial role in the developing discourse on contemporary terrorism. In the Australian context, this discourse has emerged as one which implicates Australian Muslims, constructing them as a homogenous monolith with an underlying implication that Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, is secular resistant and at odds with the values of the liberal democratic state. Several textual analyses attest to the bias against Muslims in the popular Australian media discourse. However, there have been no studies into how Australian Muslims are interpreting and responding to this discourse. Based on research into the attitudes and perceptions of the media among Australian Muslims, this paper argues that the interpretation of the media discourse as defiantly anti‐Muslim and the perception of the media as a powerful purveyor of public opinion has impacted on the construction of Australian Muslim identity. In responding to this discourse, Australian Muslims are creating new narratives of belonging which either reinforce or reject the underlying messages that situate them outside mainstream Australia.