The ‘Glasgow King of Billingsgate’: James MacQueen and an Atlantic Proslavery Network1

This article examines the ‘imperial career’ of James MacQueen, one of the most outspoken critics of the British antislavery campaign in the 1820s and 1830s. Rather than considering the particular proslavery discourses that he articulated in his writing, however, the article focuses on his central place within an Atlantic network of proslavery advocacy. Using published and unpublished sources to explore this network, the article begins with MacQueen's time as a plantation overseer in Grenada. Next, it considers his involvement in the slavery controversy after he returned to Glasgow, including his attack on the History of Mary Prince (1831) and its aftermath. Finally, the article considers MacQueen's unexpected role in the Niger Expedition following the abolition of British slavery. In this way, the article demonstrates MacQueen's central place in nineteenth-century anti-abolitionism.     

‘In the wreck of a master's fortune’: slave provisioning and planter debt in the British Caribbean

This article traces how debates over the ability of indebted West Indian planters to adequately provision their slaves influenced the politics of slavery in the British Empire in an era of abolitionism and amelioration projects. Specifically, the article examines the promulgation of colonial laws establishing priorities for debts incurred for the purchase of slave provisions over mortgage debts in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries. Debt-priority laws and contemporary responses to them suggest the ways in which both proslavery and antislavery interests defined and contested the moral as well as material dimensions of West Indian commerce and finance. A detailed quantitative case study provides information on provisioning and other expenses on two Tobago sugar estates (1807–1815).     

Slave dealers,women, pregnancy,and abortion: The story of a circassian slave‐girl in mid‐nineteenth century Cairo

Revd Richard Price was one of the leading intellectual lights of Rational Dissent in late eighteenth-century Britain and was prominent in campaigns for religious and parliamentary reform. Hailed as an ‘Apostle of Liberty’ by the American and French Revolutionaries, Price was also an early subscriber to the Abolition Society in London. While prominent among British Enlightenment figures he had, however, a low profile as an abolitionist and is seldom mentioned in scholarship on abolition. This study discusses the nature of Price's antislavery and his relationship with Americans such as Thomas Jefferson. It sheds more light on the degree to which the emergence of abolitionism depended upon circumstances and how well it combined with other aims and priorities.     

The First Person in Antislavery Literature: John Woolman,his Clothes and his Journal

In his lifetime John Woolman (1720–1772) drew attention to himself with his unusual behavior, his expressive demeanor and his clothes. He sought to become a ‘sign’ directing others toward a way of life without exploitation or slavery. After his death and the publication of his journal, he was celebrated as the most important figure in the campaign to turn the Quakers against slaveholding. Woolman's self-presentation, contemporary responses to him, and the posthumous commemoration of him provide an indication of the power and significance of personal narrative within Quakerism and in antislavery politics in Britain and America.     

‘Chords of Freedom’: Commemoration,Ritual and British Transatlantic Slavery

The antislavery activity of the religious fringe of Atlantic Presbyterianism, Covenanters, has been neglected. Covenanters produced longstanding articulations of antislavery rooted in seventeenth-century Scotland. In America, Covenanters created an ignored alternative to traditional paradigms of slavery debates. They were antislavery Biblical literalists. In the American South, their support of the American Colonization Society (ACS) was an attempt to maintain their faith, and they believed the ACS was their brainchild. Everywhere, Covenanters utilized antislavery to maintain connection to their Old World religious traditions.     

‘Loyal resistance’: N.P. van Wyk Louw (1906–1970) and the intellectual

The article analyses the seminal role played by the poet N.P. van Wyk Louw in defining the intellectual in Afrikaans public discourse. It shows that Van Wyk Louw’s defence of key concepts such as ‘liberal nationalism’ and ‘the open discussion’ in the 1950s was a movement away from his earlier views on Afrikaner nationalism, in which he focused on non‐rational forces. In the contested terrain of debates on Afrikaner nationalism Van Wyk Louw emphasised the need for the intellectual to ground his interventions in the tradition of European political thought, which demanded a respect for justice and an attempt at reconciling nationalism with liberalism. The article finally comments on the relevance of Van Wyk Louw’s contribution to current debates on public intellectual life in South Africa.     

Bringing Exile Home: Review of Ned Curthoys and Debjani Ganguly (eds) Edward Said: The Legacy of a Public Intellectual

This recent collection of essays pays tribute to Edward Said, but is no hagiography. It explores the salience of concepts such as the public intellectual, exile and worldliness in his life and work. It considers the strengths and the limits of his vision, his passion for European high culture and classical music and his relative disinterest in popular culture and visual and electronic communication. It connects settler colonialism in Palestine and the US with Australia (where most of the contributors are located), while unsettling notions of ‘exile’ and ‘home’.     

From critical sociology to public intellectual: Pierre Bourdieu and politics

By the late 1990s, Pierre Bourdieu had become the primary public intellectual of major social scientific status at the head of the anti-globalization movement that emerged in France and in other Western European countries. This article discusses how Bourdieu became a leading public intellectual, a role that seems to contrast with his early years as a professional sociologist. It explores what seemed to change in Bourdieu’s activities and outlook as sociologist and what seems to have remained constant. It identifies several institutional conditions that seemed necessary for Bourdieu to be able to play the kind of public intellectual role he did in his later years. Bourdieu’s movement from a peripheral position to a central location in the French intellectual field, the changing character of the field itself, the growing influence of the mass media in French political and cultural life, the failures of the French Socialists in power, a cultural legacy of leading critical intellectuals in France, a unifying national issue of globalization, and the political conjuncture in 1995 all intersected in ways that opened a path for Bourdieu to choose new and more frequent forms of political action. His responses to that combination of factors at different moments reveal both a striking continuity in desire to preserve the autonomy of intellectual life and a change in view and strategy on how best to do that. The article concludes with a brief evaluation of Bourdieu’s public intellectual role.     

All spirits are roused: the 1822 antislavery revolution in Haitian Santo Domingo

In 1822, Haitian president Jean-Pierre Boyer proclaimed emancipation in neighboring Santo Domingo, heralding a new epoch of ‘unification’ in Hispaniola. This article reframes the origins and consequences of this unification by exploring the antislavery revolution that made it possible. Portions of Santo Domingo’s free Afro-descended majority mobilized in favor of immediate abolition as a bulwark against successive (re)enslavement and racialization schemes. Their efforts dovetailed with those of Haitian leaders and refugees from surrounding slaveholding jurisdictions, producing a shared legacy of antislavery thought and action in Santo Domingo that would endure long after the island had fragmented once more.     

WILLIAM WELLS BROWN

Travel and travel writing imply freedom of mobility and agency. That a fugitive slave like William Wells Brown could become a tourist is significant because it destabilizes our understanding of tourism. In The American Fugitive in Europe: Sketches of Places and People Abroad (New York: Jewett, Proctor & Worthington, 1855), Brown grounds his critique of his tour in the experiences of his early life as a slave and in his insistence on ethical responsibility. He interrogates the inequities of American society by revisiting European history from the perspective of the oppressed. Brown moves beyond touristic hedonism to anchor the tourist subject onto the larger canvas of historical and socio-political reality. This paper explores Brown's shifting identity through Urry (The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies, London, Sage, 1990) and MacCannell's (‘Tourist Agency’, Tourism Studies, vol. 1, pp. 23–38, 2001) reading of the tourist gaze.     

South Carolina College and the origins of secession

South Carolina College was a locus of proslavery, secessionist political thought. The college was created in 1805 to make connections among the planters’ sons and to reduce the geographic sectionalism within the state. The College was at the forefront of nullification, proslavery expansionism and secessionist agitation. Within the state, South Carolina College alumni dominated the legislature, the press and the learned professions. Alumni were preponderant in the antebellum Congressional delegations of South Carolina. Outside the state, alumni who migrated went exclusively to the new states of the lower South: Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas and Louisiana. They were disproportionately represented in the Congressional delegations and state-level political offices in their adopted states. The alumni helped propel the lower South toward secession.     

‘Moral electricity’: Melvil-Bloncourt and the trans-Atlantic struggle for abolition and equal rights

Little known to historians, the Guadeloupean-born antislavery and equal rights activist Sainte-Suzanne Melvil-Bloncourt exemplified the complex trans-Atlantic networks forged for the abolitionist cause across the nineteenth century. As a contributing journalist for a Parisian political and literary publication, Melvil-Bloncourt produced numerous pieces on the history and politics of slavery and emancipation around the Atlantic world. The American Civil War especially galvanized Melvil-Bloncourt into more fervent antislavery action, prompting him not only to connect with activists based in New Orleans and the famous abolitionist Frederick Douglass, but also to raise money in France for former American slaves. This project explores the depth of Melvil-Bloncourt’s emancipationist sensibilities and activism, guided by what he deemed ‘moral electricity,’ highlighting the influence of the otherwise overlooked Francophone world in the age of emancipation.     

‘How a Slave was Made a Man’: Negotiating Black Violence and Masculinity in Antebellum Slave Narratives

In the manner in which they portrayed black masculinity, fugitive slave autobiographies published in the 1840s represented a sharp break from abolitionist narratives produced during the previous decade. Unlike anti-slavery authors writing in the 1830s, slave narrators of the 1840s deliberately renounced any connection between black manhood and a willingness to commit horrific acts of retributive violence against whites. At the same time, fugitive slave authors insisted on the admirable manliness of the African American men they depicted, including themselves as the protagonists of their stories. The return that radical abolitionist authors made to a glorification of black violence in the 1850s marks the publication of slave narratives in the 1840s as an exceptional moment in the history of antislavery literature. The popular success of these narratives, contrasted with the unpopularity of the more violent antislavery texts of the 1830s and the 1850s, also reveals the fears of black violence that white Americans harboured throughout the antebellum period and fugitive slave authors' consciousness of those fears.     

EN-COUNTERING THE OTHER DISCOURSE OF CHICANO-MEXICANO DIFFERENCE

In this period in which Mexicans in the borderlands are being constructed as aliens and sources of cheap deportable labour (not makes of intellectual traditions which encourage transnational area studies and theoretical reflections in the US), it is important to remember that not only people but also ideas cross Mexican–American borders. It is doubly important to scrutinize those intellectual movements that cross state-sanctioned borders while restricting social possibilities and movements.

In this article I consciously assume this charge by focusing critical attention on an influential venue of transnational(ist) travel (On the road to Octavio Paz/On the Road to Chicano) within cultural productions that laid the foundation for an ‘alternative’ Chicano studies epistemology and tradition in the early 1970s. Drawing on disparate cultural studies traditions and the deconstructive insights of Chicana feminists and activists, I encounter the patriarchal dynamics, conceptual idioms, political investments (nationalism/familism) and essentialist difference that undergirded this intellectual formation and its construction of Chicana/o identity. In the process I argue that this formation not only rendered the desired form of political exceptionalism, but also served to distance Chicanas/os from the political and intellectual claims of Chicanas, Chicana feminists and other women and people of colour. However, as my concluding section demonstrates, this circulation of theories was – to use the language of Clifford – ‘cut across’, interrupted and contested by other theories in circulation during the same period that offered different claims to representation, different forms of transnational travel, and other possibilities for imagining social political and intellectual relations.     

THE INTELLECTUAL IN QUESTION

Although contemporary scholars in various disciplines readily appropriate many of his ideas, Antonio Gramsci's theory of intellectuals remains curiously unappreciated. From the standpoint of the oft-lamented crisis of the contemporary intellectual, however, it represents a resource that is both indispensable and difficult to retrieve. In this article the historical and sociological nuances of Gramsci's theory, as well as the powerful, yet unheeded lessons of his own life as an intellectual will be examined. In particular, Gramsci's analysis of the social affiliation and political agency of the intellectual provides the framework necessary to explain the rise and ongoing crisis of the academic intellectual as a historically unprecedented figure. This point will be illustrated by examining the case of influential academic intellectuals such as Michael Walzer and Michel Foucault. The article concludes with some reflections on the merits of Gramsci's distinctive way of being an intellectual.     

Reporting Atrocities: A Comparison of the Zong and the Trial of Captain John Kimber

The trial of Captain John Kimber has received almost no scholarly attention despite a substantial newspaper record. Instead, scholars have focused on the slave ship Zong as the most evocative symbol of abolitionist discourse. This article examines the newspaper record of both events in order to understand their impact on the slave-trade debate in the late eighteenth century. The wealth of material on Kimber's trial makes it equally important to abolitionist discourse. Moreover, newspaper accounts of Kimber's arrest, trial, and the aftermath reveal the rich dialogue between proslavery and abolitionist writers as each sought to claim the idea of ‘humanity’.     

Orientalist Knowledge and Social Theories: China and the European Conceptions of East‐West Differences from 1600 to 1900

This paper examines the long‐term development of Orientalism as an intellectual field, with the European learning of China between ca.1600 and ca.1900 as an exemplary case. My analysis will be aided by a theoretical framework based on a synthesis of the world‐system and network perspectives on long‐run intellectual change. Analyzing recurrent debates on China within European intellectual circles, I demonstrate that the Western conception of the East has been oscillating between universalism and particularism, and between naive idealization and racist bias. This oscillation is a function as much of the changing political economy of the capitalist world‐system as of the endogenous politics of the intellectual field. Despite their contrasting views, both admirers and despisers of the East viewed non‐Western civilizations as uniform wholes that had never changed. I argue that the fundamental fallacy of Orientalism lay, not in its presumptions about the ontological differences between East and West and the former's inferiority, as previous critics of Orientalism have supposed, but in its reductionism. Understanding non‐Western civilizations in their full dynamism and heterogeneity is a critical step toward the renewal of the twentieth‐century social theories that were built upon and impaired by the Orientalist knowledge accumulated in the previous centuries.     

Challenging western hegemony through systematic study of cultural diversity: an undergraduate course on child development and culture

Traditional courses in developmental psychology treat the development of white, middle‐class European American children as normative. This approach offers an inaccurate representation of child development, displays a lack of sensitivity towards the cultural diversity of students, and fails to meet these students’ intellectual needs. This paper describes an attempt at rectifying this ethical, paradigmatic error in an undergraduate course on child development and culture. Key concepts at the interface of culture and development in cultural geographical zones that contrasted with the European‐American tradition were systematically treated, employing varied instructional strategies. The experience suggests that synthesizing a multicultural classroom with a multicultural syllabus compels students to confront their own intellectual ethnocentrism, diversifies intellectual experience and, for minority students, addresses an intellectual lacuna that they may not yet have articulated.     

‘The Greatest Thing in North America’: Delmore Schwartz and Europe

Abstract

An argument is presented that Delmore Schwartz’s celebrations of his European literary heritage accentuate the ways in which he might be regarded as a specifically American poet: he cannot help but Americanize his European sources. These engagements also, however, unsettle the notion of a purely American poetry since they suggest that American writing can only be understood in relation to English and European traditions. Taking his concept of ‘international consciousness’ as its premise, the study examines how Schwartz’s allusions simultaneously serve to align his poetry with European works and to distance it from them. It also assesses Schwartz’s admiration for the international perspectives of modernist mentors (particularly T. S. Eliot), observing how this aspect of their work influences his own. A reading of ‘The Ballad of the Children of the Czar’, a poem in which Schwartz characteristically sets individual experience against a worldwide stage, is also given.