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1.
Greek life on college campuses offers many student benefits, including leadership skills and career networking, but is also associated with risk factors such as excessive alcohol use. This cross-sectional study compares hazardous alcohol and drug use, and use of protective behavioral strategies among non-Greek and Greek-affiliated students at 2 universities and differences among students at a university that offers on-campus Greek housing and a college with off-campus Greek housing. Findings reveal that Greek-affiliated students report more alcohol use, and no difference in drug use or in protective behavioral strategies, than non-Greek students. Among Greek students, those living in on-campus Greek housing report significantly lower alcohol use than students residing in off-campus Greek housing. Regardless of Greek status, students at the college with off-campus Greek housing are significantly more likely to use alcohol and marijuana in a fraternity or sorority house than students at the university with on-campus Greek housing.  相似文献   

2.
To Revise or Not to Revise?   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
This personal analysis of the revision process of the ICIDH is set in the context of the international disability movement. With analogies to feminism, it shows how the medicalisation of disability is itself disablism and, while recognising many flaws in the revised version, encourages the disability movement to use the new version to its own advantage.  相似文献   

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Recent changes in older people's public care services in Nordic countries in particular in Finland and Sweden are based on implicit expectations that family members will increase their involvement in care. In Nordic countries, the care of small children has been acknowledged to be a social matter that concerns gender equality and the work life participation of both men and women, while the situation of working carers of older people is much less acknowledged. This study addressed the question of how Finnish working women who give care to their older parents argue for and against their decisions of working and caring and the meaning of work and care in these decisions. Majority of the interviewees emphasised the importance of work and refuted the idea of leaving work for care. The decision not to leave work for care was justified with worker identity, commitment to work, having no innate skills to be a carer, availability of support services and other carers and financial necessity. On the other hand, a few interviewees brought forward their willingness to leave work which was justified by constructing care as meaningful and valuable activity as opposed to meaningless paid employment, and with the intensification of work, and with ageing. Lengthy argumentation and several discursive tools indicate that women anticipated moral blame for the decision of giving work primacy over care, but also for leaving work. Thus, working carers balance between contrasting expectations to care and to work.  相似文献   

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Over the past 50 years, a generally accepted theory about the evolution of aging has been developed. One common conclusion that has been deduced from this theory is that aging is inevitable in organisms in which there is a difference between offspring and parents. A recent paper by Sozou and Seymour questions this prediction using a mathematical model, but it remains to be seen whether their new results stand up to more general analysis.  相似文献   

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As a novel technology in the age of information, the Internet has become a fancy vehicle through which campaign messages can be delivered to prospective voters via multiple paths such as websites and emails. However, despite the effort put into making campaign messages as appealing as possible, studies show that the click-through rate of campaign emails remains relatively low. In the past, many studies concerning technology adaptation have focused on the aspect of “innovation diffusion” rather than “innovation resistance”. The aim of this study is to integrate ideas derived from the Technology Acceptance Model, the concepts of innovation resistance and the theory of ad avoidance to find the factors that influence voters' resistance of reading political emails. An online survey was conducted, in which a sample of 1012 voters in the 2009 local election in Taiwan was studied. The results showed that negative impression and perceived interruption were the factors behind people's resistance of politically-related emails. In addition, both of the above factors affected people's attitudes toward opening future political emails.  相似文献   

7.
Il a toujours été problématique de conceptualiser les professions puisque les caractéristiques professionnelles varient beaucoup dans le temps et dans l'espace. Cet article analyse les façons selon lesquelles les professions et les occupations ont été délimitées historiquement dans la législation. Un regard sur la réglementation professionnelle de cinq provinces canadiennes antérieure à 1961 dénombre environ 36 groupes professionnels distincts. L'auteure croit qu'une meilleure compréhension s'appuyant sur la recherche empirique de ce qu'étaient les professions par le passé aidera à conceptualiser et à faire avancer la recherche actuelle sur les professions. Particulièrement importantes sont les considérations sur la qualité de même que sur la structure des relations d'emploi avec les autres groupes professionnels, le public et l'État.
Conceptualizing professions has traditionally been problematic because professional characteristics vary across time and place. This paper explores the ways in which professions and occupations were historically demarcated through legislation. A look at professional regulation in five Canadian provinces before 1961 reveals approximately 36 distinct professional groups. I argue that developing a more accurate, empirically based understanding of what professions were in the past will help us conceptualize and advance research on professions in the present. Particularly salient are considerations of status, as well as the structuring of occupations' relations with other occupational groups, the public, and the state.  相似文献   

8.
Using data from the Statistics on Income and living conditions of families with migrants carried out by ISTAT in 2009, we empirically examine the effect of micro level determinants on Moroccans’ return migration intentions. Although Moroccans living in Italy do not have a clear aspiration to return, the socio‐economic and work conditions in Italy determine their migration intentions. Furthermore, our research led us to argue that macro‐level determinants should also be considered. In particular, emigration, immigration and integration policies represent key elements in the analysis of the dilemma between to stay or to return. Therefore, the promotion of long‐term immigration policies, which allow the achievement of a permanent residence in the host country, combined with institutional reforms, which make the origin country socially, economically and politically more attractive for migrants are essential to complete the debate about to stay or to return.  相似文献   

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With mounting evidence for its efficacy in the treatment of borderline personality disorder and related problems and increasing dissemination nationally and internationally, front line clinicians in practice settings are increasingly aware of dialectical behavior therapy (DBT). Indeed, it is likely that this treatment is reaching individuals who practice from a variety of theoretical frameworks, such as psychodynamic, humanistic, cognitive, or some combination thereof. Therefore, this paper considers the ways in which DBT is an integrative approach, as well as the issues that may arise in the integration of DBT with other theoretical frameworks or with practices spawned by these alternative frameworks. We recommend that therapists practicing DBT adhere to the behavioral and dialectical theoretical foundations of the approach, in order to provide therapy that is effective, coherent, and consistent.  相似文献   

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Qualitative Sociology - Rural youth currently graduate from four-year colleges at a similar rate to peers from other locales, even though they are more likely to come from lower SES backgrounds....  相似文献   

11.
Why did the Soviet Union intervene in Hungary but not in Poland? This article argues that the crisis in Hungary was much deeper. Hungarian communist officials were perhaps more willing to tolerate Soviet military “assistance,” because they were haunted by the political rightist “reaction” and their collective memory of the “white terror” that had overthrown Bela Kun’s communist regime in 1919 and made the communist party illegal in Hungary. There was no real Hungarian “Poznan.” Thus, Kremlin leaders, Hungarian party officials, Hungarian reform communist intellectuals, and even the student organizers of the October 23 demonstration were caught off guard by the revolution; it seemed to come from nowhere. Kremlin leaders could understand Polish workers’ demands for bread, but had a harder time understanding Hungarian demands for freedom. Both Gomulka and Nagy attempted to bridge the fundamental contradictions of de-Stalinization, namely, that to achieve political consolidation, their party leaderships had to strike a compromise between the aspirations of their populations and the demands of the Kremlin. Reasons whv Gomulka succeeded. at least in the shortrun, and Nagy failed can be found both in their different personalities and the differences in the natures of the Polish and Hungarian crises.  相似文献   

12.
According to standard theory founded on Harsanyi (J Polit Econ 61:434–435, 1953; 63:309–321, 1955) a social welfare function can be appropriately based on the individual’s approach to choice under uncertainty. We investigate how people really do rank distributions in terms of welfare. According to Harsanyi, the evaluation can be done from the standpoint of an uninvolved external judge, a public official, for example, or by a person who knows that she holds one of the positions in society, with an equal chance for any of the available positions. Are these two structures to be viewed differently? We use a questionnaire experiment to focus on the two different interpretations of the Harsanyi approach. There are important, systematic differences that transcend the cultural background of respondents.  相似文献   

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This article contends with the view that the political crisis in some Anglophone Caribbean countries—primarily Jamaica—can be understood as arising from the black middle‐class leadership's use of race and nationalism to obscure class issues. It argues that the race and national issues were and are legitimate class issues and that it is theoretically and practically a mistake to counterpose the two. The black middle class achieved important victories against colonialism and racism but now is faced with global economic and political forces for which it is ill‐equipped to address. The political crisis that it faces is more a result of these global forces than it is of the internal weakness of this class.  相似文献   

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We run an experiment to study the relationship between honesty, age and self-control. We focus on children aged between 5 and 15 as the literature suggests that self-control develops within such age range. We ask each child to toss a fair coin in private and to record the outcome (white or black) on a paper sheet. We only reward children who report white. Although we are unable to tell whether each child was honest or not, we speculate about the proportion of reported white outcomes. Children report the prize-winning outcome at rates statistically above 50% but below 100%. Moreover, the probability of cheating is uniform across groups based on child’s characteristics, in particular age. In a second treatment we explicitly tell children not to cheat. This request has a dampening effect on their tendency to over-report the prize-winning outcome, especially in girls. Furthermore, while this effect in boys is constant with age, in girls it tends to decrease with age.  相似文献   

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The study investigates the relationship between premigration experiences with autocracy and immigrants' participation in politics in the host country. Using a survey of about 2000 immigrants in Quebec (Canada) interviewed over telephone or with an online questionnaire, it assesses two possible pathways regarding the effect of premigration with autocracy on participation in the host country politics. One pathway emphasizes a reluctance to participate where experiences with autocracy would hinder participation in the host country. The second pathway posits a reluctance to disclosure where experiences with autocracy leave immigrants with a lasting hesitation to reveal the extent of their participation. Our findings lend weak support for a reluctance to participate and instead suggest a reluctance to disclosure. These findings raise questions about our capacity to accurately portray the preferences and behaviours of immigrants, here those who experienced autocracy in the country of origin, and highlight the sensitivity of findings regarding immigrant integration to interview modes.  相似文献   

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VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - Some nonprofits easily attract resources, while others struggle to survive. However, little is known about what...  相似文献   

19.
Gal Ariely 《Globalizations》2016,13(4):377-395
This study examines the premise that national identification inevitably leads citizens to endorse chauvinism in the international arena. It argues that the relationship between national identification and chauvinism is affected by three contextual factors: globalization, inter-state conflict, and social division. A multilevel analysis of cross-national survey data from the International Social Survey Program National Identity II (2003) was employed in order to observe these three contextual effects, the sample consisting of 33 countries. The results demonstrate that closer relations exist between national identification and chauvinism in more globalized countries. The effects of inter-state conflict vary according to the indices used to measure conflict. Those countries that experienced a large number of deaths during the 2000s and mobilized resources and personnel evinced a higher level of chauvinism. This effect is not evidenced by other measures of conflict, however. Social division did not affect the level of chauvinism or its relation with national identification. These findings are used to critically evaluate the notion that citizens who identify with their nation tend to be nationally chauvinistic.  相似文献   

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