明代广西城市圩市建设研究

明代是广西社会经济发展的重要时期 ,大规模建设城市圩市是广西得以发展的重要原因。明代地方官主要采取修筑府州县城、修桥筑路、发展商市、增建恢复圩市等建设边疆的措施 ,在广西形成了府州县城市和圩市两级市场网络。明代广西城市圩市的发展对广西社会经济产生了深刻的影响。在城市圩市商业繁荣的带动下 ,广西的农业、手工业得到较快发展 ,广西人民商品意识得到提升 ,广西城镇基本格局由此形成 ,广西出现了社会进步边疆安宁的景象     

由中法艺术公园谈我国当代城市公共艺术

20世纪50、60年代,随着美国的城市开发建设发展而衍生出了城市公共艺术.与陈设在历史博物馆的需要人们感叹追崇的艺术文物不同,城市公共艺术则显得更加亲民化,贴近人们的生活.在城市的街道、广场、公园等天然场所处就可见,而且公共艺术与城市的公共空间完美结合,创造出一种别样的城市文明之美.公共艺术是需要在结合社会需求的同时并展现出空间场所内的文化氛围,并不仅仅是供艺术家去单方面地表达自己个人色彩、张扬个性的平台.公共艺术的诞生是代表社会和艺术发展的一种当代城市的空间文化形式,是社会进步和时代观念的产物.在当代城市建设中,一般都会有意识地将公共艺术融入到城市规划、建筑设计和景观设计中去,以期创造出一个文化环境优良和整体形象优异的现代城市.城市建设与公共艺术的关系是属于相辅相成、互相作用的模式.城市建设的规划决定了公共艺术的创作形态,而公共艺术在某种程度上又赋予了城市文化生命.本文主要是就2014年中法艺术公园的各个方面来讨论当代城市公共艺术创造的重要性.     

由中法艺术公园谈我国当代城市公共艺术

20世纪50、60年代,随着美国的城市开发建设发展而衍生出了城市公共艺术。与陈设在历史博物馆的需要人们感叹追崇的艺术文物不同,城市公共艺术则显得更加亲民化,贴近人们的生活。在城市的街道、广场、公园等天然场所处就可见,而且公共艺术与城市的公共空间完美结合,创造出一种别样的城市文明之美。公共艺术是需要在结合社会需求的同时并展现出空间场所内的文化氛围,并不仅仅是供艺术家去单方面地表达自己个人色彩、张扬个性的平台。公共艺术的诞生是代表社会和艺术发展的一种当代城市的空间文化形式,是社会进步和时代观念的产物。在当代城市建设中,一般都会有意识地将公共艺术融入到城市规划、建筑设计和景观设计中去,以期创造出一个文化环境优良和整体形象优异的现代城市。城市建设与公共艺术的关系是属于相辅相成、互相作用的模式。城市建设的规划决定了公共艺术的创作形态,而公共艺术在某种程度上又赋予了城市文化生命。本文主要是就2014年中法艺术公园的各个方面来讨论当代城市公共艺术创造的重要性。     

西北民族地区城市社区建设中的各族居民参与研究

西部大开发的推进使西北民族地区城市社区建设进入了一个新的发展时期,可是城市社区建设中的各族居民参与现状却并不理想,具体表现在各族居民参与率低、参与主体差异性大、参与意愿不强、参与形式单一、参与程度不深等方面。本文根据西北民族地区城市各族居民对社区建设参与的现状,提出了应该培育各族居民的社区意识、建设社区内部的软硬环境、强化社区建设的力量以及优化社区外部软环境等建议。     

关于蒙古英雄史诗始创时期及相关问题

蒙古英雄史诗产生于８—１０世纪之间，不会早于室韦－达怛时期，它是依托英雄神话传说与英雄赞词而创造出来的。最初形成于居地相近的斡亦剌惕与巴儿虎、布里亚特等森林部落，在这一中心基础上，向其他部落蔓延，形成了现代共识的蒙古英雄史诗。     

走向文明美好——湖北恩施土家族苗族自治州巴东县开展『六城』同创活动『三部曲』

一地居民的精神面貌是一方城镇灵魂的体现."六城"同创(创建"中国优秀旅游城市""全国文明城市""国家园林城市""国家卫生城市""国家森林城市""国家环保模范城市")把旅游、文明、园林、卫生、森林、环保等美好融于一身,勾勒出巴东美好的蓝图,砥砺着人们建设美好家园的信念.这一过程归根结底是塑造人的过程,恩施州巴东县是这样理解的,也是如此践行的.     

宗教象征艺术

一、森林之歌在扎伊尔的艾图瑞(Ituri)森林中,特恩布尔·科林(Coin Turnbull)和巴姆布蒂(Bambuti)人一起生活了一个阶段,他们属于矮种人.特恩布尔·科林把自己的感受写成《森林人》一书.这本书中,我最喜欢的一些事情,可能有助于阐述自己对无文字民族宗教象征艺术的性质的看法.这些事情,发生在要举行仪式之前的几个月中.每晚上,矮人燃起一堆专门的营火,他们集拢在火堆周围,且歌且宴.他们唱的歌直接与森林有关,把森林看作是他们的供养者,一种实体或特别是在这种场合存在于他们知觉中的神.森林以动听的歌回报他们,歌声从营地四周森林的各个位置发出,响彻夜空,终夜不绝入耳.森林之歌产生于熟练的喇叭筒游戏.这种仪式和吼声器,统称为"莫里莫"(Molimo).     

论城镇向城市演进时的拐点--城镇与城市经济学意义的本质区别

在"人口与消费需求增长简单曲线模型"上,只要有消费需求突变增量Qt,就必定存在一个相应的拐点.由于消费需求突变增量的产生,可以解释消费需求性状的改变导致城市演进过程中的自然选择,它加速经济与社会的发展,引起经济与社会特别是社会性质诸如生活方式之类的变化.     

城市民族学的学科定位与学科建设

随着少数民族人口向城市大规模的流动,以及全球化所带来的外国移民的不断增加,城市民族、文化多样性的特点愈加明显。城市民族学即是针对城市民族关系、民族工作中出现的新问题,以和谐都市建设为核心目标而产生的新兴交叉学科。本文主要对城市民族学学科提出的背景、学科定位及学科建设内容进行了概略阐释。     

从分治到多元一体：清代库车城市形态与地方治理研究

清代新疆城市的建设与管理是中央政府治疆理念在地方的映射。清代库车城市建设与管理具有鲜明的地方性与边疆性，其基本格局奠基于乾隆时期，道光时期开展修复与重建。在城市营建上，军事设施建设先于民事设施，城墙建设早于城内建筑，内部设施多改用旧有设施。库车在城市管理上从汉回隔离逐渐走向民族融合，城市空间历经物理空间上的民族分居到多民族杂居，城市管理从注重军事驻防到强调民事管理，是清政府、伯克、维吾尔族民众与内地移民多方互动的结果。     

民国时期天山北麓东路城市多民族居民生活的变化

Although the Republican era of China did not last very long, it was a significant period in which China transformed from an agricul-tural to an industrial era, and from a traditional so-ciety to a modern one. During this period, not only did the politics and economics change dramatical-ly, but also the lives of urban residents. Although Xinjiang is located in the western frontier area of inland China, since the Qing dynasty, its politi-cal, economic and cultural connections with inland China gradually increased. Xinjiang is not an iso-lated region, it actually is located in the central ar-ea of Asia. So, its openness is very pronounced. Even though during the Republican era, inland China was gripped in the chaos of war, Xinjiang’s political, economic and cultural connections with the inland were never broken. Although sometimes the central government’s control in Xinjiang was not so strong, the central government’s policies had always impacted strongly on Xinjiang. In addition, due to the continuous migration of the inland popu-lation ( especially intellectuals, and political and military people) into urban areas, such as Dihua in Xinjiang during the Republic era of China, the politics, economics and culture of inland China had a big impact on the lives of Xinjiang urban res-idents. Moreover, Xijiang is neighbors with Rus-sia. Since the middle of the 19th century, Russia, whose industrialization and modernization occurred earlier and faster than China’s, often made political and military invasions, as well as cultural infiltra-tion, into Xinjiang. After the founding of the Sovi-et Union, its influence on the cities of Xijiang gradually increased. Especially during the period when Sheng Shicai managed Xinjiang, the influ-ence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang was the stron-gest. In addition to political influence, economic and cultural influences became more pronounced, and numerous industrial and cultural products made in the Soviet Union were imported into Xin-jiang. This had a dramatic impact on the urban residents of Xinjiang. As a political, economic and cultural center of Xinjiang, Dihua was alive with many Russians who engaged in political, economic and cultural activities. Hence, their direct or indi-rect influence on the lives of Dihua residents was stronger than in other cities. At present, the research on Xinjiang during the Republican era of China mainly focuses on the political and economic domains , and less attention is paid to its urban life. However, the changes of modernization are not only reflected in the aspects of politics and economics, but also in the field of social life. Hence, to strengthen the research on the changes in social life in urban areas of Xinjiang during the Republican era of China is significant. The Republican era of China was an important pe-riod for Xinjiang society. Although if we compare it with the urban areas along the eastern coastal ar-ea of China, the impact of western culture on the lives of urban residents in Xinjiang during this pe-riod was not so strong, and the changes in social life also reflected multi - ethnic characteristics. The changes in urban life in Xinjiang were also an important part of the changes following China’s modernization. It reflected a both generalization and a diversity of the urban changes created by China’s modernization. In addition, one should note the impact of the changes in Xinjiang’s urban life during the Republican era on that of Xinjiang during the latter half of the 20th century. Thus, it is very necessary to conduct a research on the lives of Xinjiang’s urban residents during the Republican era of China. Xinjiang has been a multi-ethnic area since ancient times, a fact which contributes the ethnic diversity that characterizes the social life of Xin-jiang cities. During the Republican era, the mate-rial life of the various ethnic groups living in Xinjiang’s cities changed successively due to the impact of external cultures, and the wave of mod-ernization. However the changes to the material lives of the various ethnic groups were different. The content of material life is very broad. General-ly speaking, it comprises people’s daily life, inclu-ding clothing, food, shelter and transportation, all of which are regarded as basic essentials for peo-ple. In a period of scarcity of goods and materials, material life became the most important thing for most of the public. Hence, changes with regard to material life, to a large extent, is reflected in the changes in the social lives of urban residents. Generally speaking, compared with the situa-tion in the Qing dynasty, the clothing in Xinjiang cities such as Dihua exhibited a big change. How-ever , this change displayed multi-ethnic and diver-sified characteristics. Concerning the food culture of Dihua urban residents during the Republican era of China, it reflected more open, inclusive and mutually influential features. In other words, the existence of a diversified food culture and diverse development was an important characteristic of the time. Concerning shelter during this period, a big change in Dihua’s urban style was that some mod-ern buildings co-appeared alongside traditional style buildings, no matter whether it was in the pri-vate space or public space. Moreover, the trans-portation mechanisms also changed during this pe-riod. Roads for cars appeared in Dihua, which opened the gate for Xinjiang’s automobile age. During the Republican era of China, most ur-ban residents in Xijiang’s cities, such as Dihua, kept their traditional customs. However, there were also some changes due to the influence of ex-ternal cultures—these changes were presented as the characteristics of pluralism, diversity and a mixture of the old and new. Multiple ethnic groups concentrated in an area in the eastern zone line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan. During the process of history, the different ethnic groups formed their own cultures and religious beliefs. In the Republican era of China, the various ethnic groups lived in harmony most of time, and the plu-ralism and inclusiveness of cultures gradually in-creased. Generally speaking, the lives and cus-toms of the Han in Xinjiang cities, such as Dihua during the Republican era of China, were almost same as those of the Han in inland China. On one hand, they kept many of their traditional customs;yet, on the other hand, they also gradually accept-ed some new ones from external cultures. The eth-nic minorities, such as the Uygur and Hui, were deeply influenced by Islamic religious culture. Their religious cultural life exhibited almost no change during the Republican era of China, and they, for the most part, maintained their tradi-tions. During this period, in keeping with the gradual consciousness of ethnic equality, although various ethnic groups kept their own traditions, and they did not reject each others’ traditions, and instead, there was some mutual exchanges among them. This made the urban culture more diversi-fied . Not only were the festivals of the Uyghur pop-ular among themselves, the Han were also invited to participate in them. Moreover, the Han’s festi-vals, especially the Spring Festival, Lantern Festi-val and others, were also gradually accepted by other ethnic groups, and, for example, the Uy-ghur, Hui, Mongolian and Kazakhs, and others all participated in these festivals. In the middle and latter period of the Republican era, the urban cul-ture of Xinjiang exhibited a sense of openness. Within the basis of maintaining their own ethnic cultural traditions, each ethnic group showed an opened attitude to new cultures, and, hence, ur-ban culture became more diversified and rich. During the time when agriculture was more dominant , traditional cities lacked of public cultur-al spaces. Hence, Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples and mosques became the sites for organi-zing public cultural activities in the urban areas. Since modern times, the public cultural spaces in urban areas have experienced a great change. Parks, as a new mode of public space, began to appear successively in some important cities. At the end of the Republican era of China, the public cultural space of Dihua had been further expand-ed. In 1948, there were four such kind of public cultural sites in Dihua, such as Zhongshan Park, Hongyan Lake, Shuimo River, and Wulabai. In addition to these, the cinema also played a very important role in the new entertainment life of the urban residents of Dihua. In 1944, Dihua had three movie theaters which were run respectively by the government, a businessman and a Russian. Movies had a very direct impact on the residents’ vision and mind, especially on the youth. A new movie sometimes would change some people’s view of life or the rules of their behavior. In short, the Republican era was a dramatic period of change during which China transformed from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial one. Following the changes in politics, economics and culture, people’s material life and cultural life were also changed. Due to the vast territory, and uneven political and economic devel-opment of China, the changes differed in various regions. Xinjiang is a frontier area in western Chi-na. Its communication with the outside world was not so convenient. Hence, compared with the east-ern coastal region, the degree of change in Xin-jiang was lower, and the speed of change was also relatively slower. However, this kind of change ac-cumulated over several decades, so, with time, the changes also became very noticeable. Howev-er , due to the uneven regional development in Xin-jiang, the changes in some cities were slow while in some they were fast. Compared with other places of Xinjiang, the changes along the eastern line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan, and taking Dihua as the center, were faster and more obvious in the Republican era. On one hand, Di-hua was more strongly influenced by the politics, economics and culture of inland China; and, on the other hand, Dihua was also influenced more di-rectly by the politics, economics and culture of the Soviet Union With the combined role played by the both sources, the material life of the urban resi-dents of Dihua, including clothing, food, shelter and transportation, as well as the customs, and cultural entertainments, changed dramatically. This change was not only similar to that of inland cities, but it also reflected regional characteristics of Xinjiang—the characteristics of ethnicity and di-versity wee more pronounced. In addition, com-pared with Tibet which is also in the western fron-tier of China, the changes brought by the urban modernization in Xinjiang was more dramatic. This was directly connected with Xinjiang’s geographical location, natural climatic conditions, as well as its political, economic and cultural development. Al-though Xinjiang lies in the western frontier of Chi-na, its transportation connections with inland Chi-na and the outside world were more convenient than those in Tibet. During the Republican era, the railways, highways and aviation routes devel-oped relatively well, the Xinjiang’s economic, and cultural connections with both inland China and the Soviet Union were also relatively close. In addi-tion, an important natural condition which also created good conditions for the opening up of Xin-jiang is that the elevation of most areas of Xinjiang is not high—the average elevation is around 1000 meters. Hence, the natural geographical conditions promoted a population flow between Xinjiang and inland China, as well as between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. Moreover, after the settling of Xin-jiang province at the end of the Qing dynasty, the feeldings and unity with inland China were ensured from an institutional aspect. It was just under such kind of background that the lives of the urban resi-dents living in the eastern zone of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan experienced a dramatic change, and presented a characteristic of ethnic diversity, pluralism and mixture of old and new.     

对民族地区城市社区建设的思考

城市社区基层政权的建设,已成为新时期民族地区城市社会经济、政治、文化发展的中心任务之一,本文通过对构建合理有序的城市社区结构、给城市居民提供完善的城市基础设施、营造社区建设良好的软环境、建立高效的城市社区组织队伍、创建社区服务评价体系等七个方面的思考,全面地梳理了民族地区城市社区建设的思路,指出了当前城市社区建设在民族地区城市化战略中的重要意义。     

西部民族地区生态文明建设问题探析

Ecological civilization is a mode of civilization which is constructed on the concept of multiple-wins, such as economic benefit, social benefit and environmental benefit, etc. It requires that a harmonious relationship between man and nature permeate various aspects of civilization, such as material civilization, spiritual civilization, and political civilization, forming an ecological mode for production, living, consumption, and other behaviors. The theories and practices of eco￣logical civilization both at home and abroad, as well as the strategic planning for the construction of ecological civilization in China, have constituted important theoretical and practical guidelines for the construction of ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas of China.
Constructing ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has important theoretical and practical significance. Compared with the eastern part of China or the whole country, the level of e￣conomic and social development in the western eth￣nic areas still lags behind; energy consumption is generally high , and the number of national key ecologically functional areas is large. Furthermore, these areas face a daunting task for their environ￣mental protection and energy saving. In addition, the most concentrated areas of desertification in China are found in the western ethnic areas, espe￣cially Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Qing￣hai. Therefore, the construction of ecological civi￣lization in the western ethnic areas has an impor￣tant role for the sustainable development of the e￣conomy and society, ecological security, energy saving and emission reduction, and the prevention of land desertification.
Generally speaking, the western ethnic areas actively participate in the national demonstration areas of the construction of ecological civilization, and constantly improve the level of ecological civi￣lization construction. However, their overall level is low, and the differences between various prov￣inces are considerable. Although the western eth￣nic areas have rich forest resources, tourism re￣sources, etc. for the construction of ecological civ￣ilization, they still face many problems in the use of their ecological resources and the construction of ecological civilization.
As noted above, the western ethnic areas ac￣tively take part in the construction of the key na￣tional ecological civilization demonstration areas. At present, among the 55 ecological civilization demonstration areas of China, 22 are in the west￣ern ethnic areas. These demonstration areas are actively exploring the construction of ecological civilization by taking the property rights of natural resources, ecological compensation and cadres as￣sessment, etc. into consideration.
As just noted, although the level of the con￣struction of an ecological civilization in western ethnic areas has been improving, the overall level is still low. The overall level of ecological civiliza￣tion in western ethnic areas lags significantly be￣hind the nation or eastern regions. In addition, the levels of every province are quite different. For in￣stance, the level of Guangxi and Yunnan is rela￣tively high. Therefore, the construction of ecologi￣cal civilization must be adapted to the local condi￣tions of the provinces.
There are a large number of key forestry en￣terprises in the western ethnic areas, but the struc￣ture of the forestry industry is not equitable. For￣estry is an important force, and provides important content for the construction of ecological civiliza￣tion. On the one hand, there are a large number of key national forestry enterprises in the western eth￣nic areas, but their distribution is not balanced. At present, there are 295 key national forestry en￣terprises , among which 48 are found in the western ethnic areas and are included in the list. Among them, the advantage held by Guangxi and Yunnan’s forest resources are obvious, while those in Tibet, Ningxia and Qinghai are not so obvious. On the other hand, the forestry resources in the western ethnic areas are unevenly distributed, and the structure of the forestry industry is not equita￣ble;the proportion of the primary industry of for￣estry is too high, and the proportion of the second￣ary industry is relatively low. This means that the economic benefits of forestry resources are not fully transformed, something which has seriously affect￣ed the promotion of ecological civilization.
Tourism resources in the western ethnic areas are rich, but the contradiction between tourism de￣velopment and environmental protection is sharp. The tourism industry can effectively improve the level of ecological civilization construction. With rich tourism resources in the western ethnic areas, the tourism industry has become one of the impor￣tant regional pillar industries, especially in Guizhou, Yunnan and Guangxi. However, the conditions of tourism infrastructure and the tourism environment are still relatively backward in western ethnic areas. This is seen especially in the tourist foreign exchange income ratio which is not high. In addition, theunique tourism resources have not strongly attracted more overseas visitors; and, as just said, there are contradictions between regional tourism development and ecological environment protection, which are still very sharp.
The construction of an ecological civilization is a complicated social system project. The con￣struction of an ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has just started, so we need to in￣tegrate the idea of ecological civilization throughout political, economic, cultural, and social construc￣tion. Furthermore, we need to promote the process of ecological civilization construction according to the local conditions by taking the central authorities’ construction plan of ecological civiliza￣tion as guidance; consider the economic develop￣ment level of each province; and the characteris￣tics of ecological protection and resource environ￣ment in ethnic areas.
First of all, we should change the concept of government at all levels and the entire society in western ethnic areas, and improve the system of ecological civilization construction. For this pur￣pose, we must:( i) strengthen the top-level de￣sign of the ecological civilization system; ( ii) im￣prove relevant systems, such as the development of the national land space; and ( iii ) improve envi￣ronmental protection and ecological compensation in the western ethnic areas and the whole country. Furthermore, through making use of both formal systems, such as political, economic and legal ones, and informal systems, such as ecological culture, we should jointly safeguard and promote the construction of ecological civilization. On the one hand, we must establish and improve various policies related to finance, tax, population and land to improve the level of ecological political civ￣ilization in the western ethnic areas from the level of central government to local administrations. On the other hand, the central government and local administrations in the western ethnic areas must enhance the awareness of the construction of eco￣logical civilization through various ways, including school education and the internet.
Secondly, we should vigorously develop the advantages of the ecological industry in western ethnic areas, such as ecological tourism, ecologi￣cal agriculture and other ecological industries. The construction of ecological civilization should strive to find a balance between ecological environment and stable economic growth. Therefore, according to the characteristics of their ecological environ￣ment, resources, climate and the capacity of the ecological carrying capacity, we should choose ec￣ological industries suitable for regional develop￣ment, such as ecological agriculture, ecological tourism;change the original model of industrial de￣velopment to an ecological mode of production, and improve the level of ecological civilization while protecting the environment.
Thirdly, we should speed up the development of secondary and tertiary industries of forestry in the western ethnic areas, and further optimize the structure of the forestry industry. For this purpose we must further increase forestry investment and construction;and improve the total output value of forestry through afforestation, returning farmland to forest, and coordinating the relationship between the economic forest and ecological forest. Moreo￣ver, we should actively participate in China’s forest food certification and forest certification program;improve the proportion of secondary and tertiary forestry industires; take the initiative to transform the advantage of forestry resources into economic advantages;and improve the level of civilization of the ecological environment.
Finally, it is necessary for the western ethnic areas to continue the practice of constructing an ec￣ological civilization. Though adjustment to local conditions, and actively exploring the practice of ecological civilization construction, we should gradually accumulate experience in the construc￣tion of ecological civilization for the western ethnic areas, and even the whole country. In particular, in Guizhou, Yunnan and Qinghai, we must active￣ly promote the process of regional ecological civili￣zation construction based on the scheme of their own ecological civilization demonstration area pro￣grams. In addition, the western ethnic areas should fully play an important role in informal in￣stitutions, such as national ecological culture.     

20世纪上半叶川滇边藏区职业教育发展述论

20世纪上半叶,清政府对川滇边藏区进行了大规模的开发,不仅屯垦、练兵、设官、通商、开矿,还大力兴办教育,既办普通学校,又根据《奏定实业学堂通则》的规定,择宜兴办了实业学堂;抗日战争爆发后,国民党为培养生产建设人才,开发边疆民族地区资源,补充抗战物资力量,采取措施发展职业教育.与其他地区相比,川边藏区的职业教育产生较晚,发展规模不大,培养人才有限,但它在藏族教育中发挥过积极作用,一些办学形式和特点,对于当今藏区职业教育具有一定的借鉴意义.     

乌江流域民族教育发展历程的特点与启示

要促进乌江流域民族教育现实发展,必须了解乌江流域民族教育发展的历史特点与规律。从历史上看,乌江流域的教育整体发展长期处于边缘化状态;教育供给与需求单一;民众教育权利和政府责任缺失,学校教育长期发展不足。在其中的个别时期,政府注重兴办学校,加强文化交流,教育亦得到较大发展。从乌江流域民族教育发展的历程可以看出,教育自身的独立性是其健康发展的保证之一;制度变革极大地影响着教育的发展;文化的交流融合可以有效地促进教育的发展;教育的发展可以反作用于社会经济文化等方面的发展。     

论清代西昌城市空间形制及其特征

城市空间形制包括城市地域空间的外部整体形态与规模、以及内部空间构成与布局的形式与特征,它是城市发展程度、阶段与过程的空间反映,也是城市建设和发展的物质文化基础。分析清代四川民族地区宁远府城西昌的空间形制发现。其空间形制具有军事性、政治性、民族性和地域性特征,其代表了民族城市、山地城市、沿江城市空间发展的特征与模式,折射了清代四川民族地区城市空间发展的历史。相对于民族冲突导致的城市空间形制的限定、破坏和隔离,在清代的西昌,民族融合和交往所带来的空间扩张和发展才是根本性的、主流的。     

中国民族区域自治的城市制度安排与制度创新

民族区域自治既包括农村区域自治 ,也包括城市区域自治。在城市化浪潮下 ,我国的民族区域自治正从以农村区域自治为主转向扩大城市区域自治的新阶段。城市化暴露了原以农村区域自治为主的民族区域自治制度的一些欠缺 ,即在城市区域自治的单位上 ,它仅有与自治区、自治州相适应的市 ,缺少与省、自治区、自治州相适应的自治市 ,不能满足中小民族、小聚居民族的城市区域自治的要求。在行政区划单位体系中增设自治市 ,是消解城市化与民族区域自治的矛盾与冲突的可行办法     

论岑春煊的铁路建设思想及其限度

岑春煊坚持以国家为本位的铁路筹建理念,认为铁路乃国家要政,在促进商业发展、调兵运饷、防范列强觊觎等方面十分重要,但清朝末年铁路筹建过程中外债和商业资本的注入、国家财政的困境,一定程度上消解了其铁路建设的主张与实践。他尊重民间资本与地方社会的权益,应对铁路风潮时不乏灵活性。然而,清政府刚性的统治风格,限制了以岑春煊为代表的地方官员的活动空间,使国家与社会关系愈发紧张,加速了清政府的覆亡。     

论江桥之战标志着我国抗日战争的开始--纪念中国抗日战争胜利60周年

学术界在抗日战争开始的问题上一向存在着异议.本文以史实为根据既论证了江桥之战是当时黑龙江省政府所策划的有领导、有组织地正面抗击日本侵略的战争,并考证出其确实得到了中国政府的授权和支持而具有了民族抗战的性质;又重新评价了其在抗日战争的重要地位和作用,堪称中国抗战中局部抗战的第一战,因而标志着中国抗日战争的开始.同时,也澄清了作为新民主主义革命时期第三阶段的"抗日战争"和中国全面抗日战争与作为那场重大历史事件的"抗日战争"之不同内涵,也即所谓的新民主主义革命时期第三阶段和全面抗战阶段"八年"说与中国抗日战争持续时间多长是两个性质不同的问题,从而对"抗战八年"的说法提出了质疑和批评,并代之以"抗战十四年"的概念.最后的结论是江桥之战的爆发日就是中国抗战的开始之时.     

晚清民国时期蔗糖业视野下的广西城镇经济网络

晚清民国时期,广西蔗糖业经历了繁荣、衰落再发展的轨迹,通过商人的经营活动促进了城镇经济网络和蔗糖业的楔合,蔗糖业的发展推动了城镇经济网络的发展。蔗糖业和城镇经济网络的楔合促进了民族经济融合。