Sample registration in India

India's ad hoc sample registration scheme for obtaining current estimates of rural birth and death rates for the whole country is being implemented quite rapidly. Five states have 140 sample units, and eleven states will have from 20 to 100 units in the study depending upon the stage of implementation by March, 1967.Essential elements of the project for each unit are: (1) continuous registration of vital events by a paid part-time local enumerator, (2) a six-month household survey to detect births and deaths which occurred during the previous six months, and (3) matching events from registration and surveys and field recheck of unmatched events to obtain the "best" count of real number of events. Preliminary results in a non-random sample indicate that the crude birth and death rates are around 37.1 and 15.7 per 1,000, respectively, for India's rural population, but these probably will be found to be on the low side.Most of the problems of implementation are operational or administrative rather than statistical: (1) For various reasons, some states are slow in agreeing to assume financial and other responsibilities for the scheme. (2) In many states, even after the scheme has been accepted, there are delays in recruiting the staff, training, and so forth. (3) The most serious problem in the whole project is maintaining control of field operations well enough at each stage to insure that prescribed instructions and methodology are being followed.Experience in India indicates that staged implementation of such projects is highly desirable when trained staff are limited. There still are a number of methodological problems which must be tested as the sample registration evolves. Sample registration is one of the first steps in the Indian program to. develop an adequate vital statistics system. Exploratory studies to measure completeness of civil registration are being done now in an effort to develop means of using civil registration data alone for measurement of vital rates.     

Sample registration in gujarat,india

Since October, 1965, births and deaths in rural Gujarat State, India, have been recorded under two independent systems in a random sample of units. First, a part-time local "registrar" is appointed in each sample unit (village or segment thereof) who: prepares a house list; conducts a baseline survey showing the individuals in each household; and maintains a list of the vital events reported by informants whom he contacts fortnightly. Second, a staff member at the rural health centre is assigned part-time supervisory and survey duties: to check the initial listings of the registrar; thereafter, to inspect the registrar's records at least quarterly; and to conduct a household survey each six months, updating the household register and recording births and deaths independently. The registrar's list is sent to the district office immediately before the survey, where it is matched with the survey list forwarded by the local supervisor. A list of unmatched events is returned to the supervisor who with the registrar revisits households to resolve the discrepancies. Under-registration is estimated to be 13 to 20 percent by the registrar method, 8 to 17 percent by the survey method. The birth rate is estimated to be about 44 and the death rate about 19.     

Estimation of demographic measures for India, 1881-1961, based on census age distributions

Abstract India is one of the very few developing countries which have a relatively long history of population censuses. The first census was taken in 1872, the second in 1881 and since then there has been a census every ten years, the latest in 1971. Yet the registration of births and deaths in India, even at the present time, is too inadequate to be of much help in estimating fertility and mortality conditions in the country. From time to time Indian census actuaries have indirectly constructed life tables by comparing one census age distribution with the preceding one. Official life tables are available for all the decades from 1872-1881 to 1951-1961, except for 1911-1921 and 1931-1941. Kingsley Davis(1) filled in the gap by constructing life tables for the latter two decades. He also estimated the birth and death rates ofIndia for the decades from 1881-1891 to 1931-1941. Estimates of these rates for the following two decades, 1941-1951 and 1951-1961, were made by Indian census actuaries. The birth rates of Davis and the Indian actuaries were obtained basically by the reverse survival method from the age distribution and the computed life table of the population. Coale and Hoover(2), however, estimated the birth and death rates and the life table of the Indian population in 1951 by applying stable population theory. The most recent estimates of the birth rate and death rate for 1963-1964 are based on the results of the National Sample Survey. All these estimates are presented in summary form in Table 1.     

Revising Infant Mortality Rates for the Early Twentieth Century United States

Accurate vital statistics are required to understand the evolution of racial disparities in infant health and the causes of rapid secular decline in infant mortality during the early twentieth century. Unfortunately, U.S. infant mortality rates prior to 1950 suffer from an upward bias stemming from a severe underregistration of births. At one extreme, African American births in southern states went unregistered at the rate of 15 % to 25 %. In this study, we construct improved estimates of births and infant mortality in the United States for 1915–1940 using recently released complete count decennial census microdata combined with the counts of infant deaths from published sources. We check the veracity of our estimates with a major birth registration study completed in conjunction with the 1940 decennial census and find that the largest adjustments occur in states with less-complete birth registration systems. An additional advantage of our census-based estimation method is the extension backward of the birth and infant mortality series for years prior to published estimates of registered births, enabling previously impossible comparisons and estimations. Finally, we show that underregistration can bias effect estimates even in a panel setting with specifications that include location fixed effects and place-specific linear time trends.     

Estimates of vital rates for the Canadian Indians, 1960–1970

The present paper is an attempt to evaluate the registered data on Canadian Indians collected by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development and to prepare vital rates for 1960–1970 using the adjusted data. A cursory examination of registered data for the purpose of developing various demographic indices and for making future estimates of population indicates certain anomalies that call for a careful appraisal of the data. The main problem is the inconsistency in the reporting of births, due largely to the late registration of births. One plausible reason for late registration may be the increased outward movement of Indians from their reserves. Indirect methods are used to adjust the number of births and infant deaths reported annually since 1960. On the basis of the adjusted data, vital rates for the Canadian Indians are calculated for the period 1960–1970. The crude death rate decreased from 10.9 in 1960 to 7.5 in 1970. The infant mortality rate registered a drastic decline, from 81.5 deaths per 1,000 births in 1960 to 34.9 in 1970. During this same time period the birth rate also declined, from 46.5 to 37.2.     

Estimation of vital rates for Ghana

Abstract A complete and efficient registration system, of the type which would provide good data on births and deaths, does not exist in Ghana. However, registration of vital events is supposed to be compulsory in 39 towns in the country but the data collected in these areas are too inadequate and defective to provide a sound basis for the analysis of the dynamics of population growth. The results of the censuses conducted by the colonial governments are so defective and unreliable that they do not allow scientific research in the field of population analysis. Before 1960, therefore, when the national census and the post-enumeration survey (based on a 5% sample of the population) were carried out, estimates of fertility and mortality levels were little more than guesses. In this study an attempt has been made to utilize the information on the age-sex composition provided by the 1960 census and post-enumeration survey data on births and deaths to determine, as far as possible, the levels of fertility and mortality and the rates of population growth in Ghana. The fertility estimates-i.e. a crude birth rate of 50, total fertility rate of 6.9 and a gross reproduction rate of 3.4-show that Ghana's fertility is one of the highest in the world. An expectation of life at birth of 40 years, an infant mortality of 160 and a crude death rate of 23 appear to be the most plausible estimates. These estimates yield a rate of natural increase of 2.7% and a growth rate of 3.0% per annum.     

Neo-natal and post-neo-natal mortality in a rural area of Bangladesh

Abstract An analysis of neo-natal and post-neo-natal mortality in 132 villages (population of 117,000) of Matlab thana indicates the following: (i) Neo-natal deaths accounted for 60% of the infant mortality rate of 125. This proportion was unexpectedly high since previous research had maintained that in countries with infant mortality rates over 100, neo-natal deaths account for less than one-third of all infant deaths. Since the present findings on the proportions of neo-natal deaths correspond exactly with results from an earlier registration system in East Pakistan, it is suggested that the long-accepted proposition, 'less developed' areas are characterized by lower proportions of neo-natal deaths than 'more developed' areas, be re-examined. (2) The infant death rate accounts for 36% of all deaths in the population. If the infant death rate were reduced by half the result would be a decrease in the current crude death rate from 16 to 13. Although this reduction would appear to be small, in the context of a current high growth rate of 3% (from 1966-67 to 1968-69) it exerts a sizeable impact. For example, it would take a reduction of eight points in the crude birth rate of 46 just to achieve a growth rate 2·5% under these circumstances. Obviously, continued efforts in death control without an effective birth control programme will perpetuate high rates of growth. (3) Neo-natal and post-neo-natal mortality exhibited the -expected 'U' shaped pattern with parity, and generally varied as expected with age and family size, except in the oldest age group and largest family size where the risk was smaller than in the preceding groups. An explanation for these findings is presented, based on the effect that births to high-parity women with low child mortality have upon the total neo-natal and post-neo-natal mortality rates. It was found that these births exhibit a much lower mortality risk than births to women of comparable parities and higher child mortality, and that their numbers account for the lower risk to the births in the oldest age group and largest family size. It was concluded that women with a combination of high parity and low child mortality most probably represent a group with superior socio-economic and or health conditions which contribute to the lower risk of neo-natal and post-neo-natal death.     

Purposive concealment of death in household surveys in Misamis Oriental Province

Summary The randomized response technique was used in a household survey of approximately 2,000 rural and 2,000 urban households in Misamis Oriental Province in the southern Philippines in order to determine the extent of purposive concealment of death. The estimated number of deaths deliberately not revealed to the interviewers was 50 per cent or higher. Adjusted crude death rates of 11.5 and 13.4 per 1,000 population were computed for urban and rural areas, respectively, by adding estimated concealed deaths to deaths reported to the interviewers. Application of stable population techniques and of model life tables suitable to the Philippine setting, while not permitting definite conclusions, provided reasons for believing that these adjusted death rates are close to the true mortality situation in the study areas. Randomized response data further indicate that approximately 75 per cent of urban deaths and 47 per cent of rural deaths of the population studied were not registered with municipal authorities. The authors postulate that failure to register deaths with municipal authorities, together with fear of legal involvement if this failure becomes known outside the immediate neighbourhood, is a major reason for the purposive concealment of death in household surveys.     

Effects of the one-child family policy on second and third births in Hebei,Shaanxi and Shanghai

This paper uses the proportional hazards model to assess the effect of the Chinese one-child policy on second and third births. The differential effects of the policy between the urban and rural areas and by the sex of previous children are highlighted. First, the urban-rural differentials have increased much after the policy, suggesting a more rapid increase in the costs of children and stricter government controls in the urban areas. Second, the sex of children has become a more important factor after the policy. The considerably higher risks to a subsequent birth among sonless families indicate the persistent strong son preferences among Chinese parents, especially in less developed areas. Although son preferences seem suppressed in Shanghai, the higher risks to a second birth after the death of a son compared to a daughter are indicative of the son preferences even in Shanghai. Relaxation of the one-child policy may increase the Chinese fertility.     

The cocos-keeling islands: A demographic laboratory

The Cocos Islands, which are situated in the Indian Ocean approximately halfway between Colombo and Fremantle, were first peopled early in the nineteenth century and were gradually developed as a very isolated coconut plantation with a labour force consisting partly of persons of Malay stock descended from the original group of settlers and partly of Bantamese contract labourers from Java. As the Cocos-born population increased in size, the dependence on contract labour decreased and, before the end of the century, all immigration ceased. The 1947 Malay population of the islands was about 1,800.

The islands are fascinating from a demographer's point of view because there was a virtually complete registration of live births, deaths and marriages and a partial registration of stillbirths. With these registration records it was possible to construct the life history of every individual from birth, through infancy and childhood to marriage, and thence through fatherhood or motherhood to death.

The picture revealed by an analysis of these records is that of a population with very high fertility and with mortality at a high level before the first World war and at a medium level after that war. Crude birth rates varied between 50 and 60 per thousand population during the period 1888 to 1947. Crude death rates were between 30 and 40 per thousand population until 1912 but under 2.0 per thousand population after 1918.

Most Cocos girls married before reaching the age of 20 and there were an average of between eight and nine live births per woman living through the childbearing period. There was a steady decline in the average number of live births with advancing age at marriage from age 16 onwards. A significantly high proportion of those dying in the middle of the childbearing period had never married, but the fertility of those marrying at an early age (14, 15 and 16) and dying before reaching the age of 36 was slightly higher than that of those who married at a similar age and survived. Women who survived to the age of 55 were of higher fertility than those who died between the ages of 40 and 55. An analysis of birth intervals revealed significant differences (a) between birth intervals after a stillbirth or after a live birth in which the child died in early infancy, and birth intervals after a live birth in which the offspring survived for longer than 0.4 years, and (b) between the interval from first to second birth and the subsequent birth intervals. There was a difference of almost exactly a year between the average birth interval after a stillbirth or live birth ending in a neo-natal death and the average birth interval after the birth of a child surviving to age 2; there was a similar difference of a year between corresponding median birth intervals.

From 1888 to 1912 infant mortality was well above 300 per thousand. After 1918 infant mortality averaged rather under 100 infant deaths per 1,000 live births. The reduction in infant mortality rates was accompanied by an increase in the mortality of children aged 1 to 4, and the heavy incidence of mortality at these ages after 1918 is the most striking feature of the analysis of mortality by age. Whilst mortality in infancy fell much more heavily on males than on females, early childhood mortality was much higher in Cocos for girls than for boys. The life table computed for the period 1918 to 1947 indicated a life expectancy of about 50 years for males and 47 years for females.     

The age at first birth and timing of the second in Costa Rica and Guatemala

This paper explores the relationship between the age at first birth and the timing of subsequent fertility in Costa Rica and in four rural villages and two urban areas of Guatemala. The results indicate that, for Costa Rica, the age at first birth is significantly related to the tempo of subsequent births, and that this association, at least for the interval to second birth, remains significant when socio-economic factors and marital status at the time of first birth are held constant. While the results suggest that the age at first birth is related to timing of the second in the Guatemalan sample as well, the association is weaker and less consistent than in Costa Rica.     

Bulletin of major figures from manual tabulation of the national sample survey on fertility and birth control of China

The State Council, the State Family Planning Commission, the State Statistical Bureau, the State Planning Commission, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Public Security of China together carried out a national sample survey on fertility and birth control in China in 1988. The survey was carried out in 30 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the Central Government. The Tibetan Autonomous Region and the Hainan Province were surveyed for the 1st time, but the results from Tibet were not collected in time for this publication. The main respondents were the married women at age 15-57, with 2,114,591 people surveyed and a sampling proportion of 1.98/1000. This article describes the survey and its results according to birth rate, parity composition, and rural-urban fertility differences. Birth rates, mortality rates, and natural increase rates from high to low orders were tabulated for: urban areas, farms, towns, rural townships, and suburban townships. With the first 1/2 of 1988 birth rates tabulated, it was estimated that the total number of births in China will be less than in 1987. In 1987, the rate of 3rd or higher parity birth was below 5% in 6 provinces and municipalities, but 10 provinces and autonomous regions were over 20%. Fertility rates showed considerable disparity depending on the locational demographics (e.g. birth rates in urban areas were 14.3/1000 yet birth rates were 24.3/1000 in suburban townships).     

Population statistics] as of January 1, 1998

In thousands, Thailand's total population as of January 1, 1998, was 60,763, of which 30,363 were male and 30,400 were female. 19,127 live in urban areas and 41,636 live in rural areas. 11,363 live in the northern region, 20,720 to the northeast, 8021 in the South, 13,550 centrally, and 7109 in the Bangkok metropolis. 16,375 were under age 15, 39,282 aged 15-59, and 5106 aged 60 and over. There were 15,728 women of reproductive ages 15-44. Crude birth and death rates per 1000 population were 17.3 and 6.5, respectively, with an overall natural growth rate of 1.1%. Infant mortality was 25.0/1000 live births. Male and female life expectancies at birth were 66.6 and 71.7 years, respectively. Further life expectancies at age 60 for males and females were 20.3 and 23.9 years, respectively. The rate of total fertility per woman was 1.98, with a contraceptive prevalence rate of 72.2%.     

A comparison of different survey techniques for obtaining vital data in A developing country

This article presents estimates of the sources and the extent of observation errors in different questionnaires and methods used to collect birth and death data in the 1961-63 multi-purpose sample survey of Morocco.The questionnaires used in the analysis of the three survey rounds were a list of household members (Rounds1 and 2) and a roll-call (Round3); retrospective death (Rounds1, 2, and 3) and birth (Round 3) queries; a date-of-birth tabulation (Round 2); and a household check-sheet to explain differences between Rounds 1 and 2. All available questionnaires for a given household were brought together and collated to provide several sources of information on births and deaths and a basis for assessing errors.From this analysis, the survey attempted to define the nature and to estimate the frequency of the errors which would have occurred if more restricted types of survey design had been used. Results, based on the period between Rounds 1 and 2, led to three major conclusions.First, if vital data had been collected with a single-round retrospective procedure, gross error (over enumeration plus underenumeration) would have been 17 percent for births and 36 percent for deaths. There is a net error of overenumeration of 3 percent for births (1.4 per1,000population) and 9 percent for deaths (2.3 per1,000population).Second, if two rounds were available to permit a combination of household composition follow-up and a retrospective mortality questionnaire, overenumeration would be almost entirely eliminated and underenumeration would be noticeably reduced. Third, most of the remaining errors of underestimation may be attributed to (1) an estimated number of infants born and deceased between two rounds and missed by all questionnaires, (2) matching failures caused by the absence of adults at Round 1, and (3) matching errors.     

Rural-Urban Migration and Reproductive Behavior in Guatemala

Guatemala has the highest fertility of any country in Latin America, and it is also the least urbanized. Projected rural-urban migration will shift more of Guatemala's population from rural areas into towns and cities. This article uses retrospective life-history data collected in migrant origin and destination areas in Guatemala to compare the fertility of rural-urban migrant women to that of rural and urban nonmigrants. Results from discrete-time hazard regression models of union formation, first birth, and third and higher parity births indicate that delayed marriage while still in rural areas, and the rapid adoption of urban fertility practices after migration, result in intermediate migrant fertility that is closer to that of urban natives than rural nonmigrants. If current patterns are any guide to the future, the redistribution of population from high fertility rural areas to towns and cities in Guatemala will accelerate the decline in aggregate fertility beyond what would have resulted from declines in rural and urban fertility alone.     

Sex ratio at birth for urban and rural areas

Previous studies show that sex ratio at birth in China's urban areas is usually higher than that of rural areas. The higher proportion of 1st births in urban areas was once taken to explain the cause for the higher sex ratio. The data of the 1982 fertility sampling survey show that the sex ratio at birth during the period from 1964 to 1981 remains higher in the urban areas (108.0) than in the rural areas (107.8). Further studies are yet needed on the differentials in sex ratios at birth between urban and rural areas and on their causes. The sex ratio in 1981 of the 29 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions in China's mainland was 108.5, somewhat higher than that of most countries in the world. 2 things account for the occurrence. 1 is that, biologically, certain particularities may exist in the sex ratio at birth of China's population, for the ratio varies with ethnic groups, nationalities and regions. The other is that, sociologically, female infants may be underreported in some areas and the phenomenon of infanticide left over by history still exists in some isolated cases. These surveys suggest that a certain specific characteristic does exist in the sex ratio at birth of China's urban areas, but they also contribute to the explanation of the higher sex ratio at birth of the total population of the country.     

Population statistics] as of July 1, 2000

This Mahidol Population Gazette presents Thailand's population and demographic estimates as of July 1, 2000, using the standard techniques of demographic analysis. The paper provides estimates of Thailand's total population, population by sex, population in urban and rural areas, population by region, and by age group. In addition, figures of crude birth and death are listed per 1000 population, natural growth rate, and infant mortality rate per 1000 live births, male and females' life expectancy at birth and at age 60, total fertility rate, contraceptive prevalence rate. The number of the aged population in 2020 is also presented. Presented in a bar graph is a population pyramid for Thailand in the year 2000, illustrating male and females' age and year of birth.     

Population statistics] as of July 1, 1996

In thousands, Thailand's total population as of July 1, 1996, was 59,781, of which 29,873 were male and 29,908 were female. 18,879 live in urban areas and 40,902 live in rural areas. 12,009 live in the northern region, 19,464 to the northeast, 7484 in the South, 12,969 centrally, and 7855 in the Bangkok metropolis. 17,217 were under age 15, 38,200 aged 15-59, and 4364 aged 60 and over. There were 15,421 women of reproductive ages 15-44. Crude birth and death rates per 1000 population were 15.6 and 5.0, respectively, with an overall natural growth rate of 1.1%. Infant mortality was 29.0 per 1000 live births. Male and female life expectancies at birth were 66.6 and 71.7 years, respectively. Further life expectancies at age 60 for males and females were 18.8 and 22.0 years, respectively. The rate of total fertility per woman was 1.95 with a contraceptive prevalence rate of 74.0% and an anticipated population of 70,835 in the year 2012.     

Can NFP be taught in two short,easy lessons? Simplified NFP for isolated and/or busy couples

Researchers used life table rates from study and comparison groups from rural and urban areas of Cagayan de Oro City, the Philippines to test a simplified method of teaching natural family planning (NFP) defined by calendar, mucus, and cervix indicators. This method included a 6 page booklet, 2 30-minute training sessions, and a question and answer period. Fear of side effects from other contraceptive methods was the leading reason for using NFP (79.4% urban, 85.8% rural). Religious motivation and fear of side effects followed for urban couples, but the percentage was low (14.6%). In rural areas, religious motivation place 3rd (4.1%) preceded by other reasons (6.9%). User error resulted in low accidental pregnancy rates (.8%). Method failure was responsible for higher failure rates than user error, but they were still relatively low (3.4% total). In rural areas, the reason for failure was unclear in 2.6% of couples, but it was only .9% among urban couples. Rural couples who used NFP to space births (spacers) had 2 times the failure rate of those rural couples who used NFP to limit births (limiters) [69% vs. 31%]. Urban spacers had a higher failure rate than urban limiters, but the difference was smaller than it was for rural couples (54.8% vs. 45.2%). Lactation did not have a clear effect on failure rates. For example, in urban areas, partially lactating women had a lower failure rate than nonlactating women (41.9% vs. 58.1%), but in rural areas, lactation had the opposite effect (63.6% for lactating women and 36.4% for nonlactating women). Risk taking resulted in more 6 month pregnancy rates among urban couples than rural couples (12.3% vs. 8.2%). At the end of 6 months, 67.5% of all couples still used the new simplified NFP method (70.3% rural vs. 64.7% urban). Therefore the new simplified NFP method was an effective method for spacing or limiting births.