Blameless, Constructive, and Political Anger

Scholars of the emotions maintain that all anger requires an object of blame. In order to be angry, many writers argue, one must believe than an actor has done serious damage to something that one values. Yet an individual may be angered without blaming another. This kind of emotion, called situational anger , does not entail a corresponding object of blame. Situational anger can be a useful force in public life, enabling citizens to draw attention to the seriousness of social or political problems, without necessarily vilifying political officials.     

承继、突变与适调:明初政治变动中的政治文化

明初政治变动以前的体制基本是承袭前元,但基于唐宋以来君权不断强化的趋势以及对前元中枢政治变动的反动,明初政治因君相间对中枢决策权的争夺出现了突变,以至以废相这种极端的方式并以祖制的形式表现出来,这既规定了整个明代中枢政治发展的方向,也使得明代政治体制呈现出一定的稳定性和封闭性,但明初政治变动中的君权实现了集权,却平衡不了集权与效率的矛盾,这又不得不让后世的嗣君在解决集权与效率的平衡时,对明代中枢决策体制进行适当的调整。     

Political Violence, Impunity, and Emotional Climate in Maya Communities

This article explores the effects of political violence and impunity on the emotional climate of Guatemalan Maya communities and the processes that may be drawn upon to improve such climates as revealed by three studies conducted in the 1990s. The first investigated Guatemalan peasants' emotional responses to political and military repression during an ongoing conflict; the second, the effects of participation in judicial processes among a Guatemalan community recovering from a massacre as peace was being negotiated; and the third, the emotional impact of responding to extreme human rights violations among rural Maya women who also critically examined their gendered location in war and peacemaking. Taken collectively, the findings of these studies suggest several resources that have been deployed by survivors of human rights violations in Guatemala as tools for improving emotional climate and for moving forward in ongoing struggles for truth and justice, even in contexts of persistent violence and impunity.     

Social Psychology,Consumer Culture and Neoliberal Political Economy

Consumer culture and neoliberal political economy are often viewed by social psychologists as topics reserved for anthropologists, economists, political scientists and sociologists. This paper takes an alternative view arguing that social psychology needs to better understand these two intertwined institutions as they can both challenge and provide a number of important insights into social psychological theories of self‐identity and their related concepts. These include personality traits, self‐esteem, social comparisons, self‐enhancement, impression management, self‐regulation and social identity. To illustrate, we examine how elements of consumer culture and neoliberal political economy intersect with social psychological concepts of self‐identity through three main topics: ‘the commodification of self‐identity’, ‘social categories, culture and power relations’ and the ‘governing of self‐regulating consumers’. In conclusion, we recommend a decommodified approach to research with the aim of producing social psychological knowledge that avoids becoming enmeshed with consumer culture and neoliberalism.     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。     

Race,Political Empowerment,and Minority Perceptions of Judicial Fairness*

Objective. Recent studies of the impact of black elite electoral success on the system‐supporting attitudes of black citizens have yielded mixed, but generally unimpressive, empirical results. We extend this limited research by examining the effects of the presence of black judicial officials on public attitudes toward a state judicial system. Methods. We employ data from a telephone survey of citizens in Mississippi and develop multivariate models to test for the effects of black judges on citizens' evaluations of the fairness of judges, equity in sentences, and overall impartiality of the state judicial system. Results. We find no systematic evidence that the election of black judicial officials ameliorates the suspicions of the black public regarding the fairness of the state courts. Conclusions. Our findings are in line with other recent studies on the limited effects of black elite electoral success on the attitudes of the black public and generally support a “political reality” model of political trust rather than an “empowerment model.”     

Political influence in multi-choice institutions: cyclicity,anonymity, and transitivity

We study political influence in institutions where each member chooses a level of support for a collective goal. These individual choices determine the degree to which the goal is reached. Influence is assessed by newly defined binary relations, each of which ranks members on the basis of their relative performance at a corresponding level of participation. For institutions with three options (e.g., voting games in which each voter may vote “yes”, “abstain”, or vote “no”), we obtain three influence relations, and show that their strict components may be cyclic. This latter property describes a “paradox of power” which contrasts with the transitivity of the unique influence relation of binary voting games. Weak conditions of anonymity suffice for each of these relations to be transitive. We also obtain a necessary and sufficient condition for each of these relations to be complete. Further, we characterize institutions in which the rankings induced by these relations, and the Banzhaf–Coleman and Shapley–Shubik power indices coincide. We argue that extending the influence relations to firms would be useful in efficiently assigning workers to different units of production. Finally, we provide applications to various forms of political and economic organizations.     

政治生活与政治学基础理论

本来意义上的政治生活是从公民和民生社会中提升出来的高贵的、体现集体精神的公民公共生活。在民生社会衰微甚至被消除的基础上形成的政治生活是扭曲的、反向的社会政治化的结果。民生社会的建设和发展，为积极的社会政治化提供了前提。发展科学的政治学理论是经营、建设体现和谐合作的、健康的政治生活所不可缺少的方面，而要做好这一工作，又必须先在作为其元理论的基础理论的研究上下功夫。政治学基础理论是一个包含多领域的开放性的论域，其任务是要回答政治学理论究竟以何种方式、范式、途径和材料才能科学、合理和有效地建构起来。     

论政治和谐与政治合法性的新模式

建设和谐社会不是一项简单的时代性任务,而是一项巩固政治合法性来源的基础性工程。建设和谐社会是由经济发展和社会发展上升到政治发展的战略性规划。后发型国家政治发展中所面临的合法性威胁,在一定意义上,正是由于他们寻求合法性的模式出现了偏差。从解释性合法性、绩效性合法性向和谐性合法性转变是后发型国家摆脱合法性危机的必由之路。     

网络政治参与与青年政治意识的发展

青年的网络政治参与对政治意识发展具有特殊的重要意义。青年的精英意识意味着青年政治意识的责任化,参与精神意味着青年政治意识的实践化。青年政治参与主要表现为网络政治参与,但尚存在群际隔离与互动失序、政治冷漠与政治热情相交织、政治态度倾向上的不满意度及从众性偏激增加以及网络行为的娱乐化、看客心理与"政不关己"的集体无意识等局限与误区。对于青年的网络政治参与,应当以社会利益激发其网络参与动机、引导参与方向,通过教育使青年网民成长为"组织化的公众",训练思想政治教育者成为在线"意见领袖",建立引导网络政治参与的青年教育"在线联合体",并从法律、道德、技术等方面对青年的网络表达进行多向度、发展性规制。     

新社会阶层的构成、特征及其政治参与

新社会阶层是在社会结构变迁过程中伴随社会分化而产生的新的社会力量.新社会阶层是一个政治概念,但它同时具有重要的社会意义,并且,也具有同其他阶层不同的特点:新社会阶层都是高风险、高收入群体;其经济资源与文化资源分配正逐渐趋于一致;具有较大的流动性和可变性;新阶层成员彰显出自主自立,具有风险意识衷、流动意识、竞争意识和创新意识.在统战工作中应教育和引导新社会阶层的政治参与,不断完善和开辟参政渠道,增强自我认同与阶层意识,要把新社会阶层中的代表人士作为工作重点.这样才能以正确的理念和积极的行动,引导这一阶层合理、有序地进行政治参与,将其纳入和谐社会构建之中.     

Population Size,Local Autonomy,and Support for the Political System*

Objectives. Does size of democracy shape citizens' support for the democratic regime? Previous literature demonstrates that a variety of political contexts are associated with the level of system support among citizens, yet none has tested the effect of a fundamental contextual feature of contemporary societies—size of democracy—on system support from a cross‐national perspective. Methods. Survey data for nations of different sizes in Europe, North America, and Oceania are analyzed using a hierarchical generalized linear model. Results. Empirical analysis shows that less populous states and highly decentralized states demonstrate higher system support among citizens, and it offers some evidence that the negative effect of population size is moderated by the level of decentralization. Conclusions. My findings are consistent with the common expectation that smaller size of nation and governments “closer to the people” are preferred. Further, they have substantive implications for contemporary democratic governance.     

敬、礼、完美与现代政治哲学

对于当代儒家政治哲学来说,敬、礼和完美这三个相连成系的概念既是一种挑战,又是一种机遇。作为挑战,是因为批评家们认为这些思想应为儒家政治思想过去的失败与现在的不相关性负主要的责任;但是,如果这些概念能够通过面对挑战并对批评家们的批评进行回应的方式来理解,那么,这将给儒学提供一个机会,使之在世界政治哲学的对话中作出重大的贡献。文章通过对陈素芬和墨子刻的批评的回应,以面对这种挑战并试图寻找存在的机遇。这两位思想家都不承认那种一般认为是能够表现儒家政治思想特色的完美主义。但是,这两个人同时被吸引到一种能够使人坚定向前的态度,这种态度有时被他们称为“信仰”。文章认为,人们可以在一种开放的、易谬主义的角度去理解儒学对完美的承诺,完美的这层含义可以构成敬的观念的基础,而敬正好符合两位批评者所感受到的对某种“信仰”的需要。完美和敬可以帮助我们说明为什么儒学十分敏锐地坚持把礼作为我们政治生活的核心。     

全球治理、联合国改革与中国政治发展

在全球化的时代,联合国作为最大的国际组织,正在进行一系列改革以承担起全球治理的使命.这些改革给中国带来新的挑战.中国需要对政府的角色重新定位,更新主权观念,培育国内成熟的公民社会,推动世界公民意识的形成,以适应全球治理时代的国际形势,发挥中国在全球事务中应有的作用.参与全球治理也会对国内的政治改革起到积极的推动作用.     

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues,Geographical Scale,and Political Trust*

Objectives. This article examines environmental policy attitudes, focusing on the differences in preferences across issue type (i.e., pollution, resource preservation) and geographical scale (i.e., local, national, global). In addition, we study whether an individual's trust in government influences environmental policy attitudes. Methods. Analyzing data from the 2007 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we estimate a series of OLS regression models to examine the public's environmental policy attitudes. Results. We find stronger public support for government action to address pollution issues than resources issues, and stronger support for local and national pollution abatement than dealing with global problems. We also find that Republicans and ideological conservatives are less likely to support further government effort to address the environment, and that more trusting individuals are more favorable to government action to address pollution and global issues. Conclusion. Environmental policy attitudes vary by the nature of the issue; however, political ideology and partisan affiliation are consistent predictors of preferences across issues, even when controlling for an individual's level of trust in government.     

Political Tolerance,Racist Speech,and the Influence of Social Networks*

Objective. This study examines the influence of ethnic and racial network diversity on young people's attitudes about speech rights in Canada by examining the impact of diversity on racist groups' speech compared to other objectionable speech. Methods. After reviewing prior work on diversity and political tolerance judgments, the study presents multinomial logistic regressions to assess the impact of network diversity on three types of political tolerance dispositions. The data are drawn from the Canadian Youth Study, a sample of 10th‐ and 11th‐grade students in Quebec and Ontario (N=3,334). Results. The analysis suggests that exposure to racial and ethnic diversity in one's social networks decreases political tolerance of racist speech while simultaneously having a positive effect on political tolerance of other types of objectionable speech. Conclusions. The dual effects arguably represent an evolving norm of multicultural political tolerance, in which citizens endorse legal limits on racist speech. Future work should assess the extent to which target group distinctions in political tolerance judgments have evolved over time and across age cohorts.