从法国穆斯林移民的生存现状透视法国的移民模式

法国季节性人口迁移由来已久,且迁移的地域遍及欧洲。欧洲国家对人口迁徙情况进行清查和评估始于1805年法兰西第一帝国时期,当时实行以“血统主义”为原则的国籍制度,其用意在于保证拿破仑军队充足的兵源,这与后来共和政体实行的“属地主义”原则相对立。21世纪初,移民问题成为法国对内政策面临的一大挑战,它与公共安全、国民身份认同、就业市场、欧盟公共事务政策的制订以及在第二代移民中实现法国模式的“共和”与“非宗教化”的融合等重大问题息息相关。欧洲国家之间与欧洲国家之外的人口迁移5I发以下问题：欧洲居民的原国籍问题、法国国籍问题、法国公民权的行使问题以及在重组后的家庭种族构成愈加复杂的条件下个人身份的构建问题等。     

北非穆斯林移民融入法国社会的类型分析

法国是北非穆斯林移民人口最多的欧洲国家。2011年利比亚战争爆发后,大批穆斯林难民的涌入导致法国穆斯林融入问题更加突出。从1852年法兰西第二帝国成立至今,法国社会接纳了四代北非穆斯林移民,这些移民在融入法国社会的过程中大致形成四种类型:移民殖民同化型、双向互动融合型、移民更改国籍归化型和具有多样性的分化型。总的来看,仅有少数北非穆斯林成功融入法国社会从而成为"新法国人",而多数仍以穆斯林定义个人身份,使法国政府的穆斯林融入政策难以达到预期目标。     

法国穆斯林移民问题的原因剖析

由于法国穆斯林第一代移民缺少必要的知识和技术,第二代移民又缺少在法国社会中向上晋升的渠道,使他们在住房、教育、就业等领域实际上处于与主体社会"断裂"的状态。而这种"断裂"状态又为伊斯兰思想在移民社区的传播和移民穆斯林身份认同的固化提供了机会。但在本土法国人看来,移民穆斯林身份认同的固化对法国"共同文化"构成威胁,对威胁的感知也催生出法国社会对穆斯林移民群体的歧视。面对歧视,法国穆斯林群体对自身的边缘处境强烈不满,并使少数人走上恐怖主义的道路。     

透视阿拉伯移民在欧洲社会的历史嬗变

阿拉伯裔穆斯林早在中世纪就已在欧洲存在,而今穆斯林族群已成为欧洲社会第二大族群."9·11"事件使欧洲传统多元文化体系受到冲击,世人将目光聚焦伊斯兰和穆斯林."3·11"、"7·7"、法国"头巾法案"、丹麦"亵渎伊斯兰教先知漫画"等一系列事件又使阿拉伯裔穆斯林移民问题成为国际关注热点.是同化吸纳还是割裂分离是欧洲各国政府当前移民政策中的最大困惑,是封闭自我还是融入当地社会也成为阿裔欧洲穆斯林当前的艰难抉择.妥善处理阿拉伯移民和欧洲主流社会的关系,已成为欧盟各成员国政府和穆斯林移民团体面临的重要问题.     

海湾国家的外籍移民问题

近十年来,就世界性的移民问题来看,较之过去已发生了很大的变化.从六十年代末至七十年代中期,绝大多数的移民主要流向工业发达而又人口稀少的欧洲国家,以及美国、加拿大、澳大利亚等传统的吸收移民的国家.据统计,上述这些国家当时接纳的移民人数达650万之多.但随着先进技术的日益发展及欧洲接连几次的通货膨胀,大批移民屡受损害,他们被解雇或失业,在欧洲做工很难获得所在国的国籍.七十年代中期,世界新的移民又出现了新的流向:人流源源不断地涌向阿拉伯海湾地区.那儿取之不尽     

透视阿拉伯移民在欧洲社会的历史嬗变

阿拉伯裔穆斯林早在中世纪就已在欧洲存在,而今穆斯林族群已成为欧洲社会第二大族群。“9·11”事件使欧洲传统多元文化体系受到冲击,世人将目光聚焦伊斯兰和穆斯林。“3·11”、“7·7”、法国“头巾法案”、丹麦“亵渎伊斯兰教先知漫画”等一系列事件又使阿拉伯裔穆斯林移民问题成为国际关注热点。是同化吸纳还是割裂分离是欧洲各国政府当前移民政策中的最大困惑,是封闭自我还是融入当地社会也成为阿裔欧洲穆斯林当前的艰难抉择。妥善处理阿拉伯移民和欧洲主流社会的关系,已成为欧盟各成员国政府和穆斯林移民团体面临的重要问题。     

美国青少年移民社会融合政策的演变

美国是一个由多族裔移民组成的国家,在关于青少年移民的社会融合政策方面,美国经历了"美国化""自由放任"和"选择性限制"三种政策范式的演变。"美国化"式的青少年移民社会融合政策促成了早期青年移民及其子女的归化,但它缺乏对其族群个性的尊重。"自由放任"式的社会融合政策赋予了青年移民及其子女个体、社区、民间组织等以自主地位,丰富了美国文化的多样性。"选择性限制"式的融合政策避免以单一化原则来应对所有青年移民及其子女的社会融合问题,但它并未真正实现其"反恐"和确保国土安全的政策初衷。这些关于青少年移民的社会融合政策对于当代中国城市的新移民(青年农民工、随迁子女、大学毕业生、外籍青年移民等)的管理与服务政策的完善具有重要启示,主要体现为对多元文化和青少年移民自主性的尊重、保障弱势青少年移民群体的合法权利、重视吸纳高层次的青年劳动力移民以及充分发挥社区和民间组织在青少年移民社会融合过程中的作用等。     

固原市生态移民对回族地区的生产文化适应研究

在国家扶贫资金的支持下,宁夏回族自治区人民政府实施了大规模的生态移民工程,将居住在宁夏南部"西海固"地区的一部分经济发展落后、生态环境恶劣而无法维持正常生活的群众,集中搬迁到黄河灌区能够得到便利灌溉的地方,实现异地扶贫开发,寻求经济发展。人口迁移是生产文化变迁的一个重要原因之一,宁夏生态移民工程的实施,在促进移民经济社会发展的同时,也推动移民群体传统文化发生了巨大变化,在这一文化变迁的过程中,移民对此时此景文化的社会适应状况成为我们观察文化、社会变迁的一个窗口。     

艰难开始 前途未知(英文)

最近几年,西班牙已经成为移民率最高的欧洲国家,其中许多移民有中国国籍。大多数人在八十年代移民到西班牙,他们有很多故事可以分享。     

移民骚乱：法国共和模式的失败？

2005年10月27日,法国巴黎东北郊克利希苏布瓦镇非洲裔移民聚居区的两名少年在躲避警察追赶时触电身亡,由此引发了一场街头暴力活动,并迅速席卷了法国各大城市市郊的贫民区。闹事青年焚烧汽车,破坏公共财产并袭击警察,其中大多数闹事者是阿拉伯裔和非洲裔法国人毒在这次骚乱中,约有3500辆汽车被焚烧, 超过800人被捕,其中大部分发生在失业率居高不下、移民密集的巴黎周边省份。因此有西方记者称“骚乱在某种程度上是贫困移民对政府多年积怨的爆发”。这场被法国媒体称作“法国自1968年以来最为严重的骚乱”,为何会在诞生了世界上第一个人权宣言的法兰西土地上愈演愈烈呢？这还得从法国的移民政策和西方自由主义二元悖论上进行解读。     

Citizenship of Roma after the split of Czechoslovakia: A social problem to be faced by other multinational states

The division of Czechoslovakia into two independent republics in 1993 has far-reaching implications for the citizenship rights of the Roma and Sinti minority population. During the period of so-called socialism, their situation developed very differently from that of related groups living in Western Europe as their cultural identity was totally destroyed by the paternalism of the communist regime. The fundamental political change in 1989, and the advent of a market economy, affected the Roma population more than other Czech citizens. With the ending of a joint federal nationality many Roma living on Czech territory, being regarded as of Slovak origin, lost their citizenship status totally. To acquire Czech citizenship stringent conditions were applied which they were unwilling or unable to meet. The discriminatory nature of the nationality law in the Czech Republic was criticized by European Union and human rights experts, and some non-governmental organizations have also taken up the case. This paper raises fundamental issues of legally sanctioned exclusion and discusses the implications of citizenship concepts for other post-communist countries.     

Mapping the social space of transnational migrants on the basis of their (supra)national belongings: the case of French citizens in Berlin

In traditional migration theory, social self-identification is usually linked with the process and quality of integration and with the nationality of the countries of ‘origin’ and of residence. But in the context of a supranational integrated area like the European Union, the self-identification of European people living (also) abroad in another European country can be more complicated. What sorts of identity combinations do they produce in this situation? Could we interpret their choice in the light of their social, economic, cultural capitals and (multi)local integration? Based on an empirical analysis of French citizens in Berlin this article confirms that identity self-combining – not just the identity elements – and the position of the ego in the social space are related. The meaning of the same identity category depends on the respondent’s profiles.     

“Allochthones” in the Netherlands and Belgium

Schematically one can distinguish two traditions related to ethnic statistics in Europe. In France, Germany and most southern European countries, the dominant statistical categorisations merely distinguish individuals on the basis of their nationality. In contrast, most northern European countries have been producing data on the ethnic and/or foreign origin of their populations. Belgium is caught somewhere in between these two traditions. The French speaking part of Belgium tends to follow the French tradition of refusing ethnic categorisation, while the Flemish try to copy the Dutch model in distinguishing “allochthones” and “autochthones.” This contribution offers an analysis of the construction of ethnic categories as it has been undertaken in the Dutch context and (partially) imported in Belgium.     

A Remarkable Heritage: The 'Daily Round' of the Children of the Harkis, between Merger and Vilification

Strictly speaking, the word 'harkis' originally denoted one of the categories of former Muslim auxiliaries in the French army who had served on a voluntary basis under the French flag during the War of Algerian Independence (1954-62). When Algeria achieved independence in 1962, those former auxiliaries of the French army who were able to escape the National Liberation Front's bloody reprisals (conservative estimates suggest some 65,000 perished) were forced to seek exile in mainland France. In spite of the restrictive measures enacted by the highest state authorities with a view to preventing the migration to France of people generally considered undesirable, and in spite of rudimentary reception arrangements, some 95,000 to 100,000 former auxiliaries and family members established themselves in France after choosing French nationality. But in a society increasingly restructured by strong migratory flows from the Maghreb (particularly from Algeria) and characterized by strong prejudice against Arabs (in part linked to the transfer of the memory of 'French Algeria'), today in France the sons and daughters of the harkis find themselves in a situation where their identity is very insecure and one which forces them to cope with a burdensome legacy at both the socio-cultural and symbolic levels.     

Dual citizenship and political integration

On the premise that representative government cannot properly function without the political participation of a large active segment of its constituents represented by permanent immigrants without citizenship, this article 1) reviews some attempts to resolve such an anomalous situation; 2) suggests naturalization as an instrument to correct it and describes the naturalization rate and the reasons for the low propensity for naturalization in various North European countries; 3) surveys the phenomenon of dual citizenship, the reasons for its increase as well as its increase as well as its inconveniences and advantages; and 4) hypothesizes that future increases in dual citizenship will protect political integration. Labor immigration will probably not be encouraged again, as it was some 20 years ago, but large international migration will take place both within Europe and to Europe from other continents. There are many indications that in the future many more Europeans will possess dual or multiple nationality, and this, in combination with more weight on a person's effective residence, will promote political integration of those large groups of immigrants and their descendants, who now stand outside the political systems without proper representation.     

Gendering the Politics of Migration 1

Although every aspect of the migration process is shaped by political factors and migration presents many political challenges on the domestic and international levels, the attention of political scientists in the United States and Europe has been limited to relatively few topics, including control over entry and exit, and issues of incorporation and citizenship. Work that considers the political aspects of migration from a gender perspective constitutes an even smaller body of work. In considering the contribution that political science might make to our understanding of gendered migration, this essay points both to some pioneering studies of gendered patterns of migration and incorporation, and also to the growing concern with gender among international organizations and policy makers. Interestingly, the essay shows that it is scholars in neighboring disciplines who have more often have taken up questions of governance and the development of gender‐fair policy towards migrants. The essay raises questions about the relationship between disciplinary boundaries and topical areas and also about the ways in which regional contexts shape the nature of scholarly inquiry by contrasting work on Asia with that in Europe and the United States.     

The Formation of Transnational Identity among French Immigrants Employed in French‐Speaking Companies in Israel

This study focuses on the formation of a transnational identity among immigrants from France who are employed in French‐speaking companies in Israel (mostly call‐centres). The preliminary qualitative analysis shows that this unique employment pattern contributes to the formation of their transnational identity, which is a combination of their francophone, Jewish and Israeli identity. The findings obtained from a larger‐scale online survey indicated that French immigrants employed in French‐speaking companies are more ethnically, socially and culturally segregated, and less fluent in Hebrew than French immigrants who are not employed in such companies. However, no significant differences were found between these two groups in their Israeli identity and sense of belonging to Israeli society. In general, the French immigrants feel at home in Israel, are satisfied with their life in Israel and plan to remain there. The implications of these findings for policymakers are discussed.