首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 9 毫秒
1.
While, in theory, decentralisation offers many benefits, empirical evidence of these benefits remains limited. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Burundi in 2011, this article argues that the current donor emphasis on institution‐building alone proves insufficient. Evidence is presented to show that current support, while consolidating the authority of local political elites, reinforces political and horizontal inequalities, thereby paving the way for further disaffection and conflict. Reflecting back to the initial aims of the process, a re‐orientation is proposed, moving the focus of support beyond elite state actors and institutions and bringing citizens back into the process of state building and transformation.  相似文献   

2.
Clientelism may lead to the underprovision of services which are deemed suitable for decentralisation. Water distribution and drainage services, managed from a lower level of municipal authority, are liable to be affected by clientelism and consequent underprovision. Water quality, maintained from a higher municipal layer, is not likely to be affected by clientelism. Capture by politically influential and dominant social and religious groups is likely to take place for important services like water supply. The article suggests that awareness, measurability, importance and resource intensiveness of service are additional factors to be considered for assessing the suitability of a sector for decentralisation.  相似文献   

3.
Has local governance in Norway escaped the forces of globalization? In grappling with this question, and using the case of Trondheim Municipality, I argue that local government reform in Norway is predicated on the dominant paradigm of public sector reform in the age of globalization, namely, new public management (NPM). This has had corrosive effects on the capacity of the local states in Norway to provide basic services to their citizens. Consequently, the Norwegian welfare regime is being undermined by the new reform agenda. However, while local governance in Norway is predicated within the dominant global paradigm, it deviates from the global trend as there is increasing centralization as opposed to decentralization as the national government uses various mechanisms to regulate and control municipalities.

¿Ha podido el gobierno local en Noruega escaparse de las fuerzas de la globalización? Lidiando con esta pregunta y tomando el caso de la municipalidad de Trondheim, yo sostengo que la reforma del gobierno local en Noruega se basa en el paradigma dominante de la reforma del sector público en la era de la globalización, es decir la Nueva Administración Pública (NPM, por sus siglas en inglés). Esto ha tenido efectos corrosivos en la capacidad de los estados en Noruega, de proveer servicios básicos a sus ciudadanos. Consecuentemente, la asistencia pública del régimen noruego se ha minado gracias al nuevo plan de reforma. Sin embargo, mientras que el gobierno local se establece dentro del paradigma global dominante, éste se desvía de la tendencia global ya que existe un aumento en la centralización, al contrario de la descentralización, dado que el gobierno nacional usa varios mecanismos para regular y controlar las municipalidades.

  相似文献   

4.
政府审计是对权力的监督和制约,现阶段,我国地方政府审计面临的发展困境主要是审计职能软化问题,针对地方政府审计存在的主要问题,剖析原因,从多角度提出解决审计职能软化的对策。  相似文献   

5.
6.
7.
ABSTRACT

This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning the rise of the environmental networks during the period of transition (2011–2014). It details the mobilising strategies that were crucial for the networks’ growth or survival during this period of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders were able to bring together social and political actors from different backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian) structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution builds on interviews and observations, as well as documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013 and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective that highlights the interplay between micro- and macro-dynamics and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors’ capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.  相似文献   

8.
Numerous attempts have been made to remedy the accountability deficits of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs). The ‘first wave’ of accountability reforms was largely driven by powerful stakeholders such as donors and governments. An accountability culture subsequently emerged that reflected the preferences of these agents, rather than the responsibility of the INGO to abide by its mission. The ‘second wave’ of reforms acknowledged that INGOs incur a broad range of accountability responsibilities to beneficiaries, members, staff, and peer organisations. These measures have not been sufficient to promote reflective practice driven by discourse with those closest to the mission. It is argued that there is a need for a ‘third wave’ of accountability reforms, which reinforces the responsibilities of INGOs towards the communities that they purport to serve. INGOs should embrace a critically reflective accountability culture that addresses ways in which communication with their so-called ‘beneficiaries’ is distorted by unequal power relations.

Se han hecho numerosos intentos para remediar los déficits en la rendición de cuentas de las organizaciones no gubernamentales internacionales (INGOs, por sus siglas en inglés). La ‘primera ola’ de reformas a la rendición de cuentas se habían manejado por protagonistas poderosos tales como donantes y gobiernos. Una cultura de rendición de cuentas surgió subsecuentemente, que reflejaba las preferencias de estos agentes, en vez de la responsabilidad de la INGO de atenerse a su misión. La ‘segunda ola’ de reformas reconoce que los INGOs incurren en un rango amplio de responsabilidades de rendición de cuentas a los beneficiarios, miembros, personal y organizaciones paralelas. Estas medidas no han sido suficientes para promover una práctica reflexiva impulsada por discusiones con aquellos más cercanos a la misión. Se sostiene que hay una necesidad por una ‘tercera ola’ de reformas de rendición de cuentas, que refuerza las responsabilidades de los INGOs hacia las comunidades a las que pretenden servir. Los INGOs deberían abarcar una cultura de rendición de cuentas críticamente reflexiva que trata maneras en las que la comunicación con sus así llamados ‘beneficiarios’ está distorsionada por las relaciones de poderes desiguales.

人们进行了多种努力以图弥补国际非政府组织(INGOs)的责任赤字。责任改革的“第一次浪潮”主要由权力很大的诸如捐助者和政府等各种利害攸关方所驱动。随之兴起的责任文化反映了这些机构的偏好,却不是国际非政府组织遵命的责任。改革的“第二次浪潮”承认,对受益人、成员、工作人员和同行组织,INGOs 招致广泛的责任。这些措施尚不足以促进那些由最接近使命的话语所驱动的反思实践。有人主张“第三次浪潮”责任改革的必要性,此种改革可以加强INGOs针对他们声称服务的各种社区的责任。INGOs 应该乐意接受批评性反思的责任文化。这种文化致力于各种方式与方法。而在这些方式方法中,与所谓的“受益者”进行的沟通因不平等的权力关系而扭曲。

????? ??????? ????? ??????? ???? ?????? ?? ???????? ???? ???????? ??????? ??? ????????. ????? "?????? ??????" ?? ??????? ????? ???????? ?? ?????? ????? ?? ??? ????? ????? ???? ????? ??? ?????? ??????? ?????????. ????? ???? ???? ????? ?????? ?????? ?? ??????? ??? ????? ??????? ????? ?? ??????? ???????? ??????? ??? ???????? ?? ???????? ???????. ????? "?????? ???????" ?? ????????? ??? ???????? ??????? ??? ???????? ????? ?????? ????? ?? ???????? ???????? ???? ????????? ?? ??? ????????? ????????? ????????? ????????? ????????. ??? ??? ??? ????????? ?????? ?????? ??????? ?????? ?????? ?????? ?? ?????? ?????? ??? ???? ??????? ???????. ????? ??? ???? ??? ????? ??? ??? ???? ??? "???? ?????" ?? ????????? ?? ???? ????????? ???? ???????? ???????? ??????? ??? ???????? ???? ????????? ???? ?????? ?? ?????? ??? ????????. ?????? ??? ???????? ??????? ??? ???????? ?? ????? ????? ???????? ???????? ????? ????? ???? ?? ?????? ????? ??????? ?? ?? ????? ????? ??? "?????????"? ???? ???? ??? ??????? ?? ?????? ?????.

?? ??????(INGOs)?? ??? ??? ???? ?? ?? ???? ?????. ??? ??? ‘? ?? ??’? ??? ???? ??? ?? ??? ?? ???? ??? ?????. ??? ???? INGOs? ????? ??? ????? ??? ???? ??? ??? ??? ????. ??? ??? ‘? ?? ??’? INGOs? ??? ?? ??, ??, ??? ?? ????? ??? ??? ??? ?? ???? ????. ??? ???? ??? ?? ??? ????? ??? ??? ???? ??? ?????? ????? ???. ??? ??? ‘? ?? ??’? ????, ??? INGOs? ??? ?? ???? ?? ????? ?? ??? ???? ?? ??? ??? ???. INGOs? ??? ‘????’?? ??? ???? ?? ??? ??? ???? ??? ?? ???? ???? ???? ??? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??.

Были предприняты многочисленные попытки исправить дефицит ответственности международных неправительственных организаций (МНПО). “Первую волну” реформ ответственности в основном вели влиятельные заинтересованные лица, такие как дарители и правительства. Культура ответственности впоследствии появилась, отражая предпочтения этих агентов, а не обязанность МНПО соблюдать свою миссию. “Вторая волна” реформ показала, что МНПО несет широкий диапазон обязанностей и ответственности перед бенефициариями, персоналом и аналогичными организациями. Эти меры не были достаточны, чтобы продвинуть рефлексивную практику, которая обусловлена дискурсом с самыми близкими к миссии. Утверждается, что есть потребность в “третьей волне” реформ ответственности, которая укрепит обязанности МНПО перед сообществами, которым они призваны служить. МНПО должны критически охватить рефлексивную культуру ответственности, которая обращается к способам, где коммуникация с так называемыми “бенефициантами” искажена неравным соотношением сил.  相似文献   

9.
李扬 《科学发展》2014,(10):5-8
中国地方政府债务问题形成的主要原因,一是政府过多地、直接地参与经济活动,二是城市化加速导致地方政府举债。对于中国地方政府债务问题,总体判断仍为风险可控。一是地方政府加上中央政府的债务占GDP的比例在40%以内,远低于60%的债务率标准。二是中央政府有非常强的控制能力,在各级政府间平衡债权债务,使得中国加总的净债务率较低。三是中国整体的资产负债表仍然健康,尤其是中央政府保持相当健康的资产负债表。对地方政府债务问题,体制性的解决办法是治本之道。要从根本上解决中国地方政府不规范借债问题,须建立规范化的地方政府举债融资机制。  相似文献   

10.
This article focuses on political participation of local publics in the unemployment field, examining networks of collective actors in Lyon and Turin. Our main question is: Is the participation of local publics fostered under conditions of more developed governance that increases bottom-up access (formal or informal) to elites and institutions in the policy domain? Drawing upon the most recent developments in literatures on social movement theory, governance and network analysis, this article discusses the main variations in terms of political participation of local publics in Lyon and Turin. It then enquires into the main explanatory factors accounting for these variations, thus showing that the openness of governance does influence the level of political participation of local publics. The main argument is that in an open context participation is low, while in a closed (or underdeveloped) context local publics participate more, with differential access to decision-making according to their resources.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

The general call for more accountability, affecting all western institutions, has reached the communication professionals as well. How can they cope with this new challenge? The danger is that they focus mainly on outcomes, so on performative accountability, whereas decisional accountability, meaning that they are able to explain why they made particular decisions in the process of communication should be a prerequisite, also for quality in performative accountability. Both types of accountability have to go together. The relation with planning approaches is discussed and the ways decisional accountability can be achieved: by ongoing education, internal deliberation or (and this is stressed) external deliberation and examination by external experts.  相似文献   

12.
This paper takes a workplace perspective to explore the ways in which institutional arrangements influence the doing of gender and the practising of politics. It compares the workplace culture of the National Assembly for Wales (NAfW) with that of local government in Wales, showing that the culture of the NAfW is experienced as less masculinized than local government and that women, and men, are less constrained to perform an aggressive, confrontational masculinity. This suggests that, in new political institutions, practising politics may be less closely tied to a particular way of doing gender and as a result may challenge the gendering of politics. Theoretically the paper engages with debates about doing, redoing and undoing gender, arguing that in order to understand how change can be brought about, attention needs to be paid to the structural context within which gender is done as well as the interactional level of doing gender.  相似文献   

13.
Linking Citizen Satisfaction with E-Government and Trust in Government   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
This article asks how Internet use, citizen satisfaction withe-government, and citizen trust in government are interrelated.We first review the literature on trust and explore how radicalinformation technologies may work to alter the production ormaintenance of trust. We then develop hypotheses about how citizens'experience with e-government, satisfaction with e-governmentand government Web sites, and trust in government are interrelated.Moreover, the model for e-government and Web site satisfactionincorporates citizen perspectives on electronic transaction,transparency, and interactivity. Using data obtained from theCouncil on Excellence in Government, we then develop and testa two-stage multiple-equation model that simultaneously predictsexperience, satisfaction, and trust. Findings indicate thatgovernment Web site use is positively associated with e-governmentsatisfaction and Web site satisfaction and that e-governmentsatisfaction is positively associated with trust in government.We also find that while citizens are generally satisfied withthe electronic provision of information (transparency), thereis some dissatisfaction with the transaction and interactivityof Web sites. We conclude that electronic government strategies—transaction,transparency, and interactivity—are important factorsthat directly affect e-government satisfaction and indirectlyaffect trust. Individuals who use government Web sites are notonly critical consumers but also demanding citizens.  相似文献   

14.
In this research note, we examine web-based accountability practices of human service nonprofits. Data were collected directly from the organizational websites of an international sample of 532 organizations involved in operating sport for social change programs, more commonly known as the field of sport for development and peace. Websites were coded using the nonprofit virtual accountability index—a theoretically grounded and robust tool—to measure information and interactivity available for stakeholders across five dimensions of accountability. Analyses of variance and independent t-tests were used to test potential group differences based on geographical region, the thematic types of social change efforts, and the type of sport used to deliver programming. The results of this analysis highlight the critical importance of geographical location and other organizational variables for web-based accountability practices. Furthermore, the results allow nonprofit leaders to identify common areas in need of improvement for smaller and emerging nonprofits.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

In Sweden, as in many other Western countries, public health care is challenged by increasing demands for care and continuing budget deficits. Person-centred care (PCC) has been introduced as a new strategy to ameliorate the perceived fragmentation in care and is expected to decrease treatment time, reduce the need for return visits, as well as increase patient satisfaction. However, the changing clinical practices necessary for the PCC approach are assumed to require new accountability practices. This article is primarily an attempt to provide a conceptual analysis of ethical accountability, i.e. a type of accountability that takes into account the human relational responsibility, partial incoherence, and power of reflection. On the grounds of this characterisation, the article aims to provide a basis, among other things, for a discussion of the possibilities of identifying and empirically studying the multimodal expressions in communication that are relevant for this type of accountability. After an initial discussion of the debate on the limits of viewing accountability as transparency, we then turn to our methodological approach and introduce a conceptual analysis of accountability. Next, we discuss some additional features of accountability. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of empirically studying the institutionalisation of ethically informed accountability within person-centred health care.  相似文献   

16.
The autonomy of a country’s central bank from political authorities has been advocated both as a remedy against the inflationary bias that would otherwise be present in the conduct of the government’s monetary policy and, more recently, on the basis of empirical evidence. However, both theoretical arguments and empirical findings have associated central bank autonomy with the conduct of monetary policy, while often failing to pay attention to those institutional cases where a central bank is in place but is not responsible for the conduct of monetary policy. These cases are particularly relevant for those countries which do not possess their own currency, or where extreme monetary regimes such as dollarization, currency boards, or monetary unions are present. These institutional settings, where a central bank exists, but there is no monetary policy to be conducted, raise the issue of central bank autonomy in a framework where the inflation bias is no longer pertinent. In other words: Is central bank autonomy still a relevant objective when a country does not run its own monetary policy? The present paper addresses this question, discusses dimensions of autonomy and accountability and maintains that central bank autonomy still does matter, particularly if the central bank is responsible for bank supervision and financial regulation.  相似文献   

17.
18.
Aid transparency received a welcome boost in December 2011 when a critical mass of donors signed up to the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI), an electronic registry through which all aid expenditure is published using the same criteria. IATI launched with statements about increased effectiveness, improved collaboration and better decisions based on greater transparency. This article investigates the strategic nature of organizational responses to IATI. It places particular emphasis on subtle distinctions between norms and standards, diminishing returns on the production of additional data, and inconsistently communicated benefits. It concludes that these factors contribute to IATI membership being rearticulated as part of the management of organizations' visibility, hence reformulating compliance with IATI as a form of strategic communication.  相似文献   

19.
This concluding chapter outlines a theoretical framework for understanding the relation between global governance, democracy and the findings of the papers in this volume. It identifies the two principles of affectedness and representation in the literature on democratic global governance, and relates them to the three democratic building blocks of equality, inclusive participation and accountability. These five theoretical components are then combined to relate the findings of the previous chapters to three heuristic models of governance: the domination model, the market model and the global democracy model. We show that the particular global governance arrangements discussed in previous chapters to some extent contain elements of all these models: undemocratic domination, mildly democratic market mechanisms and fully democratic global-democratic processes. Through this theoretical framework, the reader gains insight into how to assess and strategize the democratization project for global governance.  相似文献   

20.
In theory, nonprofit boards of directors exist to perform mission‐setting and oversight functions that help to ensure organizational accountability. Yet there is evidence that board behavior often falls short of this ideal. Using survey data from a sample of 241 executive directors of nonprofit agencies, we investigated whether nonprofit boards are meeting executive directors’ expectations, and if not, what factors explain this? We find that although board behavior tends to align closely with executive directors’ preferences for involvement in administration and management tasks, there is a greater disconnect between board behavior and executive directors’ preferences for involvement in mission‐setting and oversight duties. Factors that mitigate this gap include organizational professionalization and stability, whereas more extensive reliance on government funding exacerbates it. Female executive directors experience a greater disconnect in their preferences for board involvement and actual board involvement than male executive directors. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for both theory and practice.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号