“He invited me and didn't ask anything in return” Migration and Mobility as Vulnerabilities for Sexual Exploitation among Female Adolescents in Mexico

Although human trafficking is recognized as a major human rights violation, there is limited evidence regarding the vulnerabilities that contribute to female adolescents’ risk of being forced or coerced into the sex trade. Vulnerabilities such as gender‐based violence, economic and social inequalities have been shown to shape the risk of sexual exploitation among adolescents. In‐depth interviews (n=18) with current sex workers who reported being deceived or forced into the sex trade as adolescents (<17 years old) were analysed to explore their experiences of migration and mobility in Mexico. Driven by socio‐economic and vulnerabilities in home communities, adolescents often engaged in internal migration and mobility to other Mexican communities and states. Migration and mobility further predisposed them to social isolation, economic hardship and abuse, which were used as tools to trick them into the sex trade. Policies that support safer migration for adolescents in origin, transit, and destination communities are needed.     

EU Accession and Income Growth: An Empirical Approach

The dynamic effects from EU membership are crucial for the new member states to catch up with the average income level in the old member states. To gauge the dynamic effects we follow a two-step procedure in which a gravity equation for bilateral trade shows the trade effect of EU membership and a growth regression yields the income effect of trade. Shared EU membership is found to increase trade between two of its member states with about 27%. EU membership may contribute to trade by inducing countries to improve the quality of their institutions. Trade increases by another 23% if institutions improve, yielding a total trade increase of 50%. Improved openness increases income by 38% according to our estimates. Adding a small direct effect of improved institutions on income, the total income effect of EU membership is 40% for the 12 new members and Turkey. This implies that EU membership, or its effect on trade and institutions, could lead to large economic gains for the new member states, but does not bring them economically on par with the old member states.

发展自由贸易区是深化开放的根本性问题

中共十八届三中全会将加快自由贸易区建设作为我国构建开放型经济新体制的重要抓手,明确提出要坚持世界贸易体制规则,坚持双边、多边,区域、次区域开放合作,扩大同各国、各地区利益汇合点,以周边为基础加快实施自由贸易区战略。改革市场准入、海关监管、检验检疫等管理体制,加快环境保护、投资保护、政府采购、电子商务等新议题谈判,形成面向全球的高标准自由贸易区网络。因此,应加快全面贯彻实施自由贸易区战略,积极主动地参与国际新分工、国际新标准设置和国际新规则制定,推进以开放促改革、促创新、促发展,释放更多、更好的改革开放红利,打造中国外贸发展的升级版,建立更加合理有效的国际经贸新秩序。     

Impact of the tariff concessions of the RCEP agreement on the structure and evolution mechanism of manufacturing trade networks

In the world’s largest free trade area, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement will gradually eliminate tariffs on over 90% of member countries’ goods over the next 36 years. We construct a tariff policy effects evaluation framework based on the complex network theory. In this framework, the standard Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model is recursively extended to generate forecasted data of bilateral trade. Based on this, we model the RCEP manufacturing trade networks and analyze the response of its core–periphery structure to the tariff concessions. Then, we evaluate policy effects on the evolution of trade patterns based on motif analysis. Finally, we construct separable temporal exponential family random graph models (STERGM) to explore the influence path and degree of the new tariff agreement on the evolutionary mechanisms of trade networks.     

‘All those in favour’: computerised trade union membership lists as sampling frames for postal surveys

The computerisation of membership lists offers considerable scope for postal surveys of trade unionists. However, faith in the new technology can give rise to the illusion of increased accuracy. Yet, the computerised data bases, while undoubtedly quicker and easier to use, may be no more accurate than their manual predecessors and samples drawn from them can result in misleading response rates. Therefore, with reference to a specific case study of a major trade union, we argue that researchers should seek to establish empirically the probable error in their lists with a view to constructing realistic ‘benchmarks’. Then, these substantial new resources can provide a solid basis for worthwhile research.     

新型贸易业态的现状、问题与对策

新型贸易业态如电子商务贸易商、贸易中间商、供应链管理商等的发展与上海建设国际贸易中心、发展服务经济的战略目标高度契合,能够提高上海参与经济全球化的层次与能级。当前,新型贸易业态发展还存在不少瓶颈,如制度建设相对滞后,不适应刚性的政府行业管理体制,与其他相关行业（如物流、金融等）的对接还不够顺畅等。上海发展新型贸易业态,要完善制度环境,推进与贸易便利化相关的税收、市场准入、监管、法律法规等制度建设;健全管理体制,按照新型贸易业态发展的趋势,打破部门分割的局面,形成适应时代要求的管理框架;抓好与金融、物流等产业的对接,促进产业融合发展。     

上海国家对外文化贸易基地加速发展的思路和举措

当前,上海文化贸易发展还面临诸多瓶颈制约,与发达国家相比差距明显,迫切需要寻找突破口,在政策上先行先试,挖掘创新动力,整合各方力量。上海国家对外文化贸易基地是国家对外文化贸易创新发展的重要载体,突破不合理的限制是其承担的重要功能。要最大限度地发挥基地的作用,就要尽可能集中各类与对外文化贸易相关的资源,推动各类与对外文化贸易相关的活动,从而激发各类创新,在各个层面为国家对外文化贸易探索新路。     

Chipping Away at the Fortress: Unions, Immigration and the Transnational Labour Market

Conventional wisdom holds that in liberal industrialized countries, times of economic recession and high unemployment create pressures for restrictive immigration legislation, proposals which will be supported by trade unions as a means of safeguarding their interests. Drawing on a case study of British trade union opposition to the 1996 Asylum and Immigration Act, this article argues that trade unions, which traditional interpretation suggests support such protectionist measures, are actually at the forefront of opposition to them. We suggest that the increased transnationalization of labour markets, combined with the particular nature of the legislative response, had led unions to adopt this apparently paradoxical position.     

上海浦东建设国际自由贸易港区的探讨

本文在借鉴国际自由贸易区建设发展经验的基础上，根据国际贸易发展的新趋势和新特征，结合上海“四个中心”建设的发展目标，提出把浦东建成我国最大的国际自由贸易港区，以搭建我国参与国际竞争的战略平台，并对浦东国际自由贸易港区的功能定位、建设重点及相关政策措施进行了探讨。     

Rethinking Trade Preferences for Sub‐Saharan Africa: How Can Trade in Tasks Be the Potential Lifeline?

Policy‐related discussion on assisting countries to make use of trade preferences tends to focus on the provision of hard infrastructure to facilitate external economies from modern‐sector exports. This is as opposed to harnessing potential knowledge spillovers. This omission is emblematic of tensions within new trade/new growth theory. Using two country case studies in Asia – Bangladesh and Cambodia – this article shows how different approaches towards making use of trade preferences have resulted in divergent industrial structures and firm‐level technological capability indicators. Less stringent rules of origin requirements may offer new opportunities for late industrialisers in sub‐Saharan Africa to tap into the modern export sector, but a more interventionist approach towards harnessing knowledge spillovers may also be necessary.     

The International Economy and Presidential Approval

There is widespread consensus that the state of the economymatters for presidents' standing in public opinion. To thispoint, however, the economy that has been taken to influencepresidential approval has been exclusively domestic. We showthat the domestic economy continued to matter in the 1990s,but so too did America's international economic performance,as measured by the national trade balance and inflation in theprice of imported goods. We further show that not all tradingpartners are equal in their implications for the president'spublic standing. Disadvantageous trade relations with Canadahave no effect on the president's approval ratings, while similarrelations with Japan depress them significantly. We explainthis difference by patterns of media coverage, showing thatthe volume of media coverage of trade relations with the twocountries has contrasting effects on presidential approval ratings.     

The Institutional Challenge of the ACP/EU Economic Partnership Agreements

The Economic Partnership Agreements between the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Union should serve as an opportunity to accelerate ACP global and regional trade integration and as an important tool for development and the eradication of poverty. There are, however, a number of preconditions. This article argues that institutional quality plays a key role in successful trade liberalisation. In fact, only countries with high‐quality institutions, partly in the form of good government regulation, are likely to benefit from trade. Unfortunately, the vast majority of African countries have excessive regulation that hinders them from taking advantage of trade. The necessary reforms to resolve this problem pose significant challenges, implying major risks for these countries in the EPA process.     

Post-Brexit Trade Policy Autonomy as Pyrrhic Victory: Being a Middle Power in a Contested Trade Regime

The Leave camp and prominent Brexiteers typically present regaining political control over international trade policy after Brexit as one advantage of leaving the European Union. A newly autonomous UK government, so the argument goes, will be free to negotiate wide-reaching and ambitious trade agreements with the world and will not be restricted by the compromise-culture inherent in supranational, Brussels-based deliberations. In the absence of clear formulations of Britain’s post-Brexit trade political agenda, much of the debate remains hypothetical at this point. Yet, from a global governance perspective, it is clear that the institutional and legal architecture for international trade cooperation is currently fragmented. Given WTO negotiating deadlocks, the institutional strain resulting from parallel country-by-country negotiations, regulatory clash in the existing network of preferential trade agreements, and the UK’s new position as a middle power in the trade regime, this essay argues that Britain may find it more difficult to push its own trade agenda internationally than is currently conceded in the debate. With the global trade regime currently shifting back towards more power-based forms of international interactions, regaining trade policy autonomy post-Brexit may turn out to be a pyrrhic victory for the new trade middle power Britain.     

The making and breaking of solidarity between unwaged and waged workers in the UK

ABSTRACT

This article explores in what way solidarity relationships are made and unmade between waged and un-waged workers in the UK. It thereby feeds into the broader discussion on the decline and future of trade unionism and new ways of organizing struggle. In particular, it engages with the literature on community unionism. Methodologically it draws on Participatory Action Research undertaken between 2013 and 2017 with 12 unwaged workers’ groups organizing outside of established trade unions. Conceptually the article challenges understandings of solidarity based on self-interest by emphasising its relational complexity. It argues for a concept of workers’ solidarity that is based on a broadened understanding of work but which at the same time goes beyond a common identity by paying attention to power-discrepancies and current inequalities. Through such a lens, solidarity is created through affective bonds and is based on a shared anger about injustice and a common desire for transformation.     

上海发展离岸贸易问题研究

上海离岸贸易目前尚处于初期发展阶段，与伦敦、纽约、中国香港、新加坡等全球城市相比存在较大差距，受到离岸金融不发达等诸多瓶颈因素的严重制约。今后3至5年，是上海推进离岸贸易发展的攻坚时期，上海离岸贸易发展处于逆水行舟、不进则退的关键阶段。上海必须审时度势，紧密结合上海实际，借鉴国际发达城市的经验，扬长避短，制定正确的发展战略，夯实基础，提升功能，探索并设计有效的发展模式，制定并实施有针对性的政策和配套措施，这将是离岸贸易发展成功的关键。     

GRAVITY REDUX: MEASURING INTERNATIONAL TRADE COSTS WITH PANEL DATA

Barriers to international trade are known to be large but because of data limitations it is hard to measure them directly for a large number of countries over many years. To address this problem, I derive a micro‐founded measure of bilateral trade costs that indirectly infers trade frictions from observable trade data. I show that this trade cost measure is consistent with a broad range of leading trade theories including Ricardian and heterogeneous firms models. In an application I show that U.S. trade costs with major trading partners declined on average by about 40 between 1970 and 2000, with Mexico and Canada experiencing the biggest reductions. (JEL F10, F15)     

Negotiating Partial Citizenship under Neoliberalism: Regularization Struggles among Filipino Domestic Workers in France (2008–2012)

This article examines the social and historical conditions of negotiations for expanding migrant domestic workers partial citizenship under neoliberal policies. It uses a case study of Filipino domestic workers struggling for regularization in the Parisian region, 2008–2012. Under Sarkozy's neoliberal immigration policy called chosen immigration, Hortefeux, the then Minister of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Cooperative Development, authorized case-by-case “regularization based on work” in his circular of 7 January 2008. Consequently, led by a coalition of trade unions, sans papiers (undocumented) collectives and migrant support groups, large-scale mobilizations occurred demanding rights-based regularization. Although undocumented Filipino domestic workers remained socially invisible during this campaign, a quiet, small-scale but unprecedented mobilization took place among Filipino sans papières. Based on 10 months of fieldwork, this article shows how the neoliberal tendency in the two policy areas of immigration and personal services opened up the opportunity for Filipino migrant women to have access to the institutional resources of the Private Household Workers (PHW) trade union and to break the deadlock of “double irregularity”, that is, the dispossession of both their residential permit and labor contract. This case depended on the activism of a trade unionist of Filipino origin, a trailblazer who filled the structural hole between Filipino ethnic networks and the local domestic workers’ movement. Among the outcomes are the rising consciousness among Filipinos of the usefulness of learning French, as well as a new narrative that incorporates the struggles of Filipino domestic workers in the PHW trade union history.     

上海发展进口高端消费品牌研究

上海作为中国重要的贸易口岸城市和商业中心城市,国际贸易和商业批发零售贸易均十分发达。通过对上海服装、皮具、钟表、珠宝、化妆品五类13个进口高端消费品牌的详尽调研,研究进口高端消费品牌在上海的发展现状、背景、意义、主要趋势及其面临的问题,并提出相关政策建议,从而说明发展进口高端消费品牌,对提升上海城市的综合实力,提高上海商业的发展水平,使上海成为与纽约、伦敦、巴黎和东京等并肩的国际大都市和商业中心,进一步推动上海国际贸易中心建设具有重要的战略意义。     

STATE TRADING AND THE QUESTION OF DISCRIMINATION: THE YUGOSLAV CASE

This paper determines the terms of trade between Yugoslavia and members of COMECON between 1966–1968 and Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union between 1957–1969. The results, based on prices prevailing in Yugoslavia's trade with Western Europe, show that Yugoslavia consistently paid lower prices and received higher prices in Bloc trade. The measured price deviations are then used to test two hypotheses, both related to the effect of dependence on measures of discrimination. The results indicated that as Yugoslavia became more integrated into Western markets (less dependent on COMECON trade), her discriminatory power increased.     

服务贸易出口退税研究

当前,服务贸易蓬勃发展日益成为各国贸易竞争的新领域和世界经济增长的新引擎。我国在服务贸易发展潜力巨大但相对于货物贸易仍明显滞后的情况下,把传统的主要针对货物贸易的出口退税政策扩大到服务贸易,势在必行。服务贸易出口退税符合WTO基本原则,是国际通行的做法,有很多国际经验值得借鉴。我国服务贸易出口退税政策的制订,在遵循属地管理、征退对等等四项原则的前提下,可实现扩大出口规模、优化出口结构;减轻财政压力、平衡财权事权;平衡国际收支、优化产业结构的总体目标。据此,提出实现服务贸易退税政策目标的路径和对策。