上海出租汽车开展百日竞赛

<正> 上海3.5万辆出租汽车从7月10日起投人“泰琪杯”车容车貌百日竞赛,这是公共客运行业为强化车客车貌管理、迎接第三次全国卫生城市评比和国庆节的到来而开展的专项活动。由上海市公共客运管理处、市出租汽车协会首次与行业外企业——泰琪集团上海泰琪房地产发展有限公司联手,设立专项     

上海出租汽车业今年将有16000名驾驶员达到中高星级

<正>目前上海出租汽车总数在4万辆以上,在第一线从事服务的驾驶员在8万名左右。今年上海出租汽车行业将以提高队伍结构水平、文明程度、服务能级为目标,使上海市出租汽车业中高星级驾驶员达到16000名。为此,上海市的该行业管理部门已制定了相关规定,其中包括:从业人员的“四不”、“两     

国内出租汽车最多的十城市

<正> 目前,出租汽车已普及到全国30个省、直辖市、自治区的803个城市。中国城市出租汽车协会最近公布了出租汽车拥有量居前10位的城市,依次是:北京6万辆、上海3.6     

完善上海出租汽车行业电话调度发展模式的思考

在总结国内外主要城市出租汽车电话调度发展经验和上海电话调度现状的基础上，提出完善上海出租汽车行业电话调度发展模式的建议。     

出租汽车行业稳定系统模型研究

近年来,出租汽车行业不稳定事件接连发生,不利于社会和谐。当前危机管理的反馈控制急需转变为前馈控制,及时发现和消除不稳定事件。本文就此提出出租汽车行业稳定系统模型研究,将前馈控制机制引入出租车行业管理体系,促进上海出租汽车行业稳定发展。     

上海开发智能交通迈出实质性步伐——上海出租汽车调度系统暨TAXI TV开通

<正>2004年12月31日,上海出租汽车调度系统、上海出租汽车电视专用平台,由上海市副市长杨雄宣布开通并点击开播。96965上海出租汽车调度系统是上海出租汽车行业的公共调度平台.调度系统将96965定为全市统一叫车电话号,网络覆盖长三角经济区,以先进的信息技术为乘客提供便捷、高效的叫车服务。为有效使用车辆资源、提高营运效能、减少车辆空驶和交通排堵保畅奠定基础。该调度系统     

基于大数据分析的南京市出租汽车行业发展研究

出租汽车行业作为城市公共交通强有力的补充,在城市出行方面具有重要作用.网约车作为出租汽车行业的主力军,虽然方便了人们的出行,但也带来了一系列行业问题.南京作为网约车平台企业发展的主战场,具有典型的代表意义.该文以南京市行业运营监管服务平台数据为基础,从行业发展阶段角度出发,利用大数据分析技术对行业竞争博弈、演化博弈开展...     

上海建立出租汽车运价油价联动机制

为疏解成品油价格上涨对出租汽车行业的影响，经上海市交通局、市运管处反复调研，市发改委、市物价局依法组织听证，并经市政府批准，上海建立、并已开始运行出租汽车运价油价联动机制。这是各地贯彻落实国务院完善石油价格形成机制综合配套改革方案后第一个建立的出租汽车运价油价联动机制。     

杭州大众对出租汽车进行定期消毒

<正> 杭州大众出租汽车公司为适应杭州作为国际风景旅游城市的要求,从4月1日开始,在190辆大众出租车上定期喷洒由上海未来企业有限公司生产的“未来一号”消毒杀菌剂。经过消毒杀菌的出租汽车,将在副驾驶座的靠背后贴上大众定期消毒车标记,让乘客坐上安全、放心的出租汽车。     

关于上海出租汽车行业资产重组问题的对话

市客管处王秀宝处长回答记者提出的问题:上海出租汽车行业是否需要资产重组?基本条件是否已具备?采取哪些措施?     

欧盟推动下的中东区域经济合作

作为一个具有强大经济实力的国家联合体，经济手段是欧盟参与中东事务的主要方式。冷战结束以来，欧盟在中东地区的主要政策就是积极推动区域经济合作。对于欧盟来说，此举主要是为了促进中东地区阿拉伯国家的政治经济体制改革和提高民众的社会福利和生活水平，从而达到保持中东地区社会稳定，减少经济难民，消除恐怖主义根源，维护欧盟地缘战略安全之目的。     

If there had been no synagogue there,they would have had to invent it: the case of the Birobidzhan “religious community of the Judaic creed” on the threshold of perestroika

The Birobidzhan Jewish religious community, officially registered on 15 December 1946, was the only one recognised by the Soviet authorities in the USSR's Far East. During the first years of its activity the community represented a unique case – perhaps the only case in the country – of linkage between a synagogue and the Soviet party and economic establishment on the local level. However, the persecutions of the early 1950s and several anti-religious campaigns later resulted in the Birobidzhan religious community falling into to a very sorry condition. At the beginning of the 1980s, the Regional Executive Committee even decided to cancel the registration of the community and remove it from the books. At the same time, after the 1984 large-scale celebration of the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR), the central Soviet authorities found that Birobidzhan “clericals” could serve the purposes of the Soviet agitation and propaganda apparatus, as confirmation of the absence of any oppression of Judaism in the JAR. As a result, the chairman of the Regional Executive Committee of Russian origin was removed from his position and a new chairman of Jewish origin was appointed. Furthermore, for the first time in decades, not counting the construction of the temporary synagogue at the Olympic village in Moscow in 1980, Soviet municipal authorities took an active part in the establishment of a Jewish house of worship.     

States and urban revolutions

Conclusion The structural perspective applied here highlights the features that led to the successful, anti-modern, and backward-looking religious revolution in Iran and the failure of a democratic socialist, worker-oriented movement in Poland. I argue that one can best understand the outcome of modern revolutions by focusing on the state and its relations to the society. By contrasting two countries and two revolutions, I have tried to show that variables such as the structure of the state, the patterns of state-church conflicts, the shifting church-class alliances, and the impact of geopolitics on these domestic factors are essential in explaining why one revolution succeeded while the other failed.The comparative argument can be summarized in the following way. In terms of state structure, the one-man rule in Iran strengthened the absolutist power of the Shah, but weakened the organizational capacity of the various state agencies to deal with political crises. The state bureaucracy and military disintegrated when the leadership lost its authority. In Poland, the existence of powerful and potentially autonomous organizations within the state apparatus made the counterrevolution possible. The party bureaucracy functioned despite chaos at the top and bottom of the hierarchy; and the Polish generals used the united military to seize power by declaring martial laws.The dialectical relation between state and society is equally important to understanding the different revolutionary outcomes. The Iranian state intensified its attacks on the Shiite clergy in the 1970s, emasculating the power of this non-state elite. When popular discontent broke out, the Shiite clerics became the revolutionary vanguard, mobilizing the support of all urban classes and leading the final assault on the monarchy. On the other hand, after a period of repression, the Polish regime made peace with the Roman Catholic church in order to appease the overwhelming Catholic population and to gain legitimacy. Because of the moderation of the state's religious policy, the church played a mediating rather than revolutionary role in the state-class conflict of 1980–81. While the clergy in Iran allied with the urban classes, the Polish church first supported the creation of Solidarity and then broke this alliance; the neutrality of the church thus reduced drastically the capacity of Solidarity to negotiate with the party-state. In these two cases, the participation of the clergy or the withdrawal of its support to urban classes means class capacity or incapacity to fight the regime.In addition, the international contexts had a great impact on the Iranian and Polish conflicts. The Polish state was constrained by its satellite position within the Soviet military empire, and the Polish Catholic church by the Vatican bureaucracy. The Soviet threat of invasion forced the party to choose military repression and convinced the religious elite to adopt a cautious attitude. In contrast, the Iranian state was relatively independent from the United States. The U.S. administration had no policy of military intervention in the Gulf region, and because it was devoid of any constraint, Iran's clergy followed the revolutionary call by a charismatic leader.     

State Building,State Autonomy and the Identity of Society: The Case of the Israeli State*

Abstract Into the conventional framework of the state civil-society relationship, which usually includes the state's autonomy and the state's strength, this paper adds a dimension - the identity of the collectivity. The collective identity is from one side the common 'symbolic space’ for both the state and the actors of the civil society, and from the other side the ‘battlefield’ between the state, the society and the different components of the civil society. These tensions stem in a great measure from the emphasis of some aspects over others (for example the primordial vs. civic ingredients) of the collective identity. These interpretations have far reaching implications on the rules-of-the-game in the state and on the state-society relationship. Its identity is central to the determination of the various societal boundaries of the collectivity. This approach is exemplified through analysis of the building of the Israeli state and its transformation from a community to a nation-state, and again from a nation-state to a community state, in a perspective of about 75 years. The article fundamentally challenges the conventional presentation and analysis of the social and political history of Israel.     

‘A Full Knowledge of the Subject of Slavery’: The Amistad,Expert Testimony,and the Origins of Atlantic Studies

This article explores the role of testimony, expertise, and the academy in the production of knowledge about slavery in the context of the trials of the Africans aboard the slave ship La Amistad, 1839–1841. Testimony provided by enlisted self-professed experts formed the intellectual architecture to the legal argument as it advanced to the Supreme Court. When considered separately from the trials, and distinctly as a question of the production of knowledge, the role of expert testimony provides crucial insight into the function of the university in antebellum anti-slavery thought and action, the marginalization of the lived African slave experience, and the emergence of Atlantic studies in the contemporary present. Examining the relationship between the university and the marshalling of expertise – broadly understood as linguistic, political and cultural knowledge of slavery and the slave trade – suggests that the early use of expert testimony had an important albeit neglected role in the birth of Atlantic studies.     

Feminist Politics in Contemporary Turkey: Neoliberal Attacks,Feminist Claims to the Public

This article aims to offer a critical reading of the feminist claims to the public sphere in Turkey in the 2000s when there was transformation in the way public and private spheres are defined. We try to link the feminist claims to the public with the shifts in the patriarchal regime of the country in the decade. The main argument of the article is that feminist politics of the 2000s had the potential for an alternative imagination of the public and that they also faced the risk of assimilation into the de-/re-publicization process of the same period. The article starts with a brief outline of the post-1980 period, which hosted both the emergence of independent feminist organizing and the neoliberal restructuration of Turkey’s politics. It continues with the analysis of the Justice and Development Party’s terms in government, as the consolidation of neoliberal restructuration process. We conclude with the (possible) feminist interventions to the new mode of patriarchy that emerges out of this process.     

A Western Niger province or constitutional safeguards: The search for an effective remedy to the fears of the Igbo west of the Niger, 1941–54

One of the problems of nation building in Nigeria is the role and respect to be accorded to the different ethnic groups to make them function as integral parts of a natural society. The main issues revolve around the fear of ethnic domination. This article argues against the popular view which attributes the genesis of minority problems in Nigeria to the adoption of the Federal system of government and the subsequent regionalization of the sources of power. It illuminates the forces that generated the minority consciousness of the Western Igbo and discusses the changing demands between 1941 and 1954. It highlights the connection between the separatist goal of the Western Igbo and the Movements for the Creation of Mid‐West and Anioma States which suggests that some of the key issues in majority/minority relationship in Nigeria may have been in existence earlier than presumed.

The general arguments on the merits and demerits of the Western Niger Province express the main attraction of the territorial approach to ethnic minority problems in a period the existing literature has described as crisis‐free. Finally, the article highlights the obstacles to the proposed Anioma state and recommends equitable distribution of resources and further research in the field of minority studies to resolve the Minority Question in Nigeria.     

Ergonomic analysis in cold storage rooms: a study of case

The human work possess a history and, in this dimension, the man is submitted to the conditions that confer it physical and psychological consequences. The activity of work in the present time imposes adverse labor conditions. The ergonomics is a science that it aims at to study the real activity of the work with sights its transformation. This study it was carried through in a sector of processing of meats in a Agroindustry, with the objective to analyze ergonomically the conditions of work and the possible risks it greets it of the workers. It was verified that in the accomplishment of the activities it had an overload of the musculature of superior members, where if it verified the requirement of repetitive movements during four working hours. Also observed the organization of the work, the position of the employees and way to carry through the activities. With the study we conclude that the ergonomic risks in the sector are related to the position during the accomplishment of the activities, requirement of repetitive movements, e the cold that affects the muscular control, reducing some motor abilities as the dexterity and the force.     

中阿合作论坛与国际、地区变革

本文从中阿合作论坛第一个十年的目标与成就、国际形势变化中的中阿合作论坛、中阿合作论坛与中东剧变等角度展开论述，并基于此论述得出以下重要结论：即中阿间历史悠久的文明、文化交流是双方友好交往史的起点；中阿间官民并举、积极合作具有必要性与迫切性；“论坛”的建立是全球化挑战下中阿关系发展的战略性步伐。过去十年间，中阿关系稳步发展，“论坛”为将彼此关系提升到战略合作层面发挥了重要的基础作用。今天，为古代中阿丝绸之路注入新的活力已成为新的命题，这需要双方全面、长久的战略合作，需要兼顾中阿关系的发展，适应国际形势的变幻。“论坛”在重构丝绸之路，建立经济繁荣、文化互动的中阿战略关系方面，有着义不容辞的责任与义务。     

基于职业能力整合高职《速记基础》教学内容的思考

《速记基础》是高职院校文科类专业的一门专业基础课程，以职业能力培养为目标．课程内容影响着专业教育效果、专业培养目标和岗位能力。随着职业岗位的内涵发生变化．课程内容也被要求进行优化和更新充实。应基于职业能力整合课程教学内容，最终实现高职生职业能力和社会职业需求的零距离对接。