Naturally Occurring Retirement Community-Supportive Service Program: an example of devolution

Devolution is defined as the transfer of power or authority from a central government to a local government. This article addresses federal policies on housing for the elderly and the devolution of funding for federal senior housing and describes two aspects of devolution of federal housing policy for the elderly. One, it points out the decreasing interest in senior housing by federal authorities as indicated by the decreased amount of funds allocated for this purpose. Two, it emphasizes the need for supportive, assistive services for residents of senior housing and how federal funds have not addressed this need adequately or sufficiently. As a consequence, there have emerged Naturally Occurring Retirement Communities (NORCs) in New York State, a housing arrangement that provides supportive and health services to all eligible residents. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications and the need for additional research before replicating this model.     

Naturally Occurring Retirement Community-Supportive Service Program

Summary

Devolution is defined as the transfer of power or authority from a central government to a local government. This article addresses federal policies on housing for the elderly and the devolution of funding for federal senior housing and describes two aspects of devolution of federal housing policy for the elderly. One, it points out the decreasing interest in senior housing by federal authorities as indicated by the decreased amount of funds allocated for this purpose. Two, it emphasizes the need for supportive, assistive services for residents of senior housing and how federal funds have not addressed this need adequately or sufficiently. As a consequence, there have emerged Naturally Occurring Retirement Communities (NORCs) in New York State, a housing arrangement that provides supportive and health services to all eligible residents. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications and the need for additional research before replicating this model.     

The capitalization of knowledge

Conclusion The United States economic crisis of the past decade has precipitated a debate over future economic strategy. The alternative positions are whether it is better to try to save old industries or develop new ones. Nevertheless, worker control of firms through Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOP's) and state government investment in new high-tech companies have one thing in common. They both represent a turn toward the microeconomic level of firms in influencing economic policy rather than the traditional macroeconomic level of monetary or fiscal policy.However the Reagan administration continued the federal tradition established during the Roosevelt era of influencing the economy on the macroeconomic level. This squelched the move toward a microeconomic industrial policy that was emerging toward the end of the Carter administration. Responsibility for industrial policy, never explicitly assumed by the federal government, is currently being assumed by state governments. Support for science, a responsibility the federal government assumed during the post-war era, is currently being undertaken by the states to address economic development needs.During the Reagan era, as the federal government continued to focus on macroeconomic policies, state governments created microeconomic policies designed to renew regional industrial infrastructures. The various state government initiatives oriented toward developing new technology for civilian purposes assumed responsibility for industrial and science policy. It is noteworthy that these programs for shaping the relations among science, technology, and economic development have been supported by governors and legislators across the political spectrum. Perhaps ironically, a national consensus on industrial and science policy has been achieved, but implementation has been largely limited to the regional level. Given the broad base of support for state science/ industry initiatives it is reasonable to predict that it will become national policy in some form as a new generation takes political leadership on the federal level in the post-Reagan era. Perhaps in the future we shall see a reprise of what happened during the depression when the Roosevelt administration inaugurated, on a larger scale, programs that Wisconsin and New York had pioneered during the Progressive era.     

美国政府救助无家可归儿童的机构、职能及运作分析

美国作为联邦制国家,其联邦、州及地方各级政府的权力分配是影响公共救助事业的关键因素。在无家可归儿童救助领域,美国各级政府建立起权责明确的职能部门,并通过项目管理的模式,形成了联邦政府主导、州与地方政府协调管理、非营利组织具体执行的分工协作式的无家可归儿童救助系统。美国政府在无家可归儿童救助事务方面的机构设置、项目运作、成效评估等几方面的经验值得我国在建设流浪儿童救助体系时学习借鉴。     

Dealing with the COVID-19 crisis: Theoretical application of social media analytics in government crisis management

Little theory-grounded research addresses how to use social media strategically in government public relations through machine learning. To fill this gap, we propose a way to optimize social media analytics to manage issues and crises by using the framework of attribution theory to analyze 360,861 tweets. In particular, we examined the attribution of crisis responsibility related to the spread of COVID-19 and its relations to the negative emotions of U.S. citizens on Twitter for six months (from January 20 to June 30, 2020). The results of this study showed that social media analytics is a valid tool to monitor how the spread of COVID-19 evolved from an issue to a crisis for the Trump administration. In addition, the federal government’s lack of response and inability to handle the outbreak led to citizens’ engagement and amplification of negative tweets that blamed the Trump White House. Theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.     

Welfare reform in the 1950s.

Contrary to the impression left by historians, neither welfare expansion nor welfare reform died in the 1950s. Even conservatives believed in the necessity of federal spending for welfare. Disagreements came over the proper ways to spend federal money. The Eisenhower administration propagated a rehabilitation approach in an attempt to use federal money to end individual, state, and local dependence on the federal government. The administration's 1954 social security and vocational rehabilitation laws reflected this approach. Bureaucrats in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, working with a Democratic Congress, managed to extend the 1954 laws into a major expansion of federal power, as the passage of disability insurance in 1956 demonstrated. Institutional continuity, not heroic individual effort, provided the dynamic for welfare reform in the 1950s.     

ALL OR NOTHING: VIDEO LOTTERY TERMINAL GAMBLING AND ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING IN RURAL NEWFOUNDLAND

The sudden collapse of the cod fishery off Canada's east coast in the early 1990s directly affected the livelihoods of more than 30,000 fishers and fish-processing plant workers in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador. In response to the crisis, the federal government closed the fishery and introduced a series of adjustment programs with the aim of reducing capacity in the industry and encouraging displaced people to seek employment elsewhere. This article examines how a small group of people living in a fishery-dependent region on the east coast of Newfoundland began using free-spending video lottery terminal gambling as a way to engage with these efforts to downsize and restructure their industry. Despite the personal and financial strains that regular gambling often created, the communal spending associated with it became a way in which some people sought to affirm local ties and critique neoliberal adjustment programs designed to encourage mobility, personal ambition, and sound financial management. The power of this critique was, however, contingent on the capacity of the core players to continue to define their behaviour as an exercise in solidarity. This idea was perpetually undermined by government programs and media stories, which presented heavy gambling as an individual weakness or addiction, and by the increasing social stratification that accompanied the restructuring of the fishing industry, making the disparities between gamblers much more difficult to hide.     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF NEW DEAL FISCAL FEDERALISM

While the introduction of federal matching grants to finance the New Deal relief programs is usually viewed as a mechanism to insure federal control over state relief spending, a careful study of the New Deal reveals that the reverse was the case: matching grants allowed the states to escape close federal control. The standard economic model of inter-governmental grants reveals that the federal government will, if allowed, prefer to use discretionary rather than matching grants. With discretion, however, came power; power that neither the states nor Congress wished to see concentrated in the Executive branch.     

Anarchy in Iceland? The global left,pirates and socialists in post-crash Icelandic politics

ABSTRACT

The historically stable Icelandic political party system has been uprooted since the 2008 financial crisis. In this paper, we explore to what extent the global left movement of anarchists and socialists has manifested in Icelandic politics in this period. We provide a historical overview, starting with the 2008 financial crisis which brought to power the first entirely left-wing government in the country's history, but also gave birth to numerous new political parties that alternately united and divided socialists, anarchists and reformers. The Pirate Party spearheaded this movement from the 2013 elections, but internal disputes have plagued the party in recent years, and both they and the Left Greens now have a fresh challenge from the left: the Socialist Party. We conclude that the current prospects for a united uprising of these movements are dim, although history suggests that they can work together when focusing on common goals of political reform.     

What's green about the 1996 award-winning school districts: A comparison of Indiana's districts containing Blue Ribbon winners with 30 randomly selected Indiana school districts

The relationship between spending on education and equal opportunity has been a subject of debate for several decades. This study aims to shed light on this debate by examining correlations between the distribution of Blue Ribbon awards to Indiana middle and high schools and per pupil expenditure. Based on criteria that include curricula, instruction, school climate, leadership, community support, goal setting and attainment, success with all students, skill development, and character education, Blue Ribbon School awards are a recognition of outstanding achievement given by the federal government. Using total federal, state, and local expenditures as the basis for comparison, we found that the federal government did not select more wealthy schools than poor schools for the Indiana Blue Ribbon School awards. However, there was a large difference in the expenditures per pupil in the Indiana districts with Blue Ribbon schools vs. the 30 randomly selected Indiana districts without Blue Ribbon schools. Total local sources were significantly greater in Blue Ribbon school districts than in non-Blue Ribbon school districts. A discussion of items related to the power, prestige, and wealth of the award-winning schools is included.     

The transformation of southern agriculture and the migration of blacks and whites, 1930-1940

The causes of the migration of both blacks and whites from the U.S. South between 1930 and 1940 are examined. The author challenges the hypothesis that the root cause of this migration was the mechanization of agriculture and suggests that the primary cause was the crisis in cotton farming that occurred during the depression of the 1930s. "Large farm owners secured aid from the federal government in the form of agricultural subsidy payments. In response to this program, they reduced their cotton acreage, bought tractors, and displaced their tenants. This transformation drastically reduced the need for tenant labor and brought about the large-scale migrations. Regression analyses of relevant data confirm this interpretation."     

The influence of accountability for the crisis and type of crisis communication on people’s behavior,feelings and relationship with the government

In this paper we investigated to what extent the willingness of people to take advice from the local government, people’s feelings of collective efficacy and empowerment, and their relationship with the local government, is dependent on whether the local government was accountable for the crisis or not. In addition, we were interested in the influence of empathic versus neutral crisis information on people’s behavior, feelings and their relationship with the local government. The results indicate that people’s intention to follow the advice of the local government is generally high, even when the local government is held accountable for the crisis. However, accountability negatively influenced people’s relationship with the local government, as well as collective efficacy. Our research shows that this negative outcome for people’s relationship with the local government cannot be countered by empathic crisis information. However, conveying empathic concern in the crisis information did enhance level of collective efficacy.     

国际金融危机背景下完善中小企业技术创新扶持制度的立法思考——以江苏为例的研究

中小企业是我国社会主义市场经济的主体,为我国国民经济的快速发展作出了巨大贡献,而江苏的中小企业在江苏的经济发展中更是扮演着重要角色。然而,在当前国际金融危机背景下,江苏中小企业的生存与发展面临着严峻的挑战,企业缺少技术创新的痼疾暴露无疑,同时江苏中小企业技术创新的法律缺位也日益突显。本文认为,应变国际金融危机为契机,完善中小企业技术创新扶持制度,使中小企业在未来发展中显现更强的竞争力和生命力。     

中国在解决苏丹达尔富尔问题上的外交努力

达尔富尔问题是苏丹有关各方为争夺自然资源而引发的一场部族冲突,达尔富尔危机不能归罪于中国。中国政府从未回避在达尔富尔问题上的国际责任。中国在达尔富尔问题上的建设性作用已得到包括美国在内的国际社会的广泛赞赏。达尔富尔危机既是对中国非洲外交的一场考验,也在客观上推动了中国对非外交的转型。     

Rural Policy and Direct Local Participation: Democracy,Inclusiveness, Collective Agency,and Locality‐Based Policy*

Abstract During the closing decades of the twentieth century, the federal government has experienced a period of delegitimation and fiscal crisis that has led to decentralization of some federal programs and a fledgling revival of community‐ and place‐based policies. These and other locality‐based policies are not new tools. The renewed interest in this type of policy raises questions about their effectiveness. Historic and recent records of locality‐based policies suggest that they are not panaceas for achieving programmatic goals. Three cases provide an empirical, comparative basis for assessing the liabilities of locality‐based policies: the Third New Deal efforts to institute county land‐use planning; Mexico's experiences with community forestry; and emerging grassroots ecosystem management movements in the western United States. Among other factors, the degree of local democracy and inclusiveness and the quality of local social, economic, and physical infrastructures are identified as important in mediating effective policy implementation.     

Does Talk Lead to Action? An Examination of the Relationship between Debate and Funding for NGOs in Canada

All organizations, including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), need funding to survive and fulfill their mandates. What is the best strategy for securing that funding? Should groups work to attract government attention and be a focus of government debate or should they avoid this type of scrutiny? This article uses innovative data to systematically examine how being the subject of debate in parliament is related to NGO funding for Indigenous, women, and environmental groups. We also examine if the relationship between debate and funding is dependent on the political party in power. We use data collected from Canadian Public Accounts, which lists all grants to groups by the federal government, and the index of Hansard, a full record of parliamentary debates at the federal level in Canada. Our findings demonstrate that the relationship between debate and funding is dependent on the issue area. While debate is positively associated with funding in all areas, it is a stronger predictor of funding for environmental and Indigenous groups than for organizations focusing on women. In addition, the party in power is critical for shaping how debate is related to funding. Debate has a much stronger effect on environmental funding when Liberals are in power than it does when Conservatives control the Prime Minister's office. This research shows that NGOs must be strategic when garnering attention to their cause as more debate does not necessarily lead to more funding across issue areas and contexts.     

A part of something: The importance of transitional living programs within a Housing First framework for youth experiencing homelessness

Young people experiencing homelessness face severe threats to their health and well-being and while we know quite a bit about these risks, much less is understood about the usefulness of the services currently being provided to mitigate them. Transitional living programs (TLPs) are one of three core strategies executed by the federal government of the United States to address youth homelessness. The purpose of this phenomenological, qualitative study was to understand the impact over time of the housing and support services provided by a TLP directly from the perspectives of formerly homeless youth. Data was collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 32 young people who exited a TLP located in Chicago, Illinois between 1 and 11 years ago. Participants believed TLPs to be an essential part of our solution to address youth homelessness, identifying themes of family, individual connections, community and preparedness that they believe uniquely qualify TLPs as a developmentally-appropriate program model for youth in times of housing crisis.     

Crisis collective memory making on social media: A case study of three Chinese crises on Weibo

Social media users collectively (re)construct narratives to create memories surrounding past crises. In this study, we connect the concept of collective memory with a public-oriented approach to crisis communication to examine how crisis response frames and collective memory narratives were displayed by different social actors (government, organizations, and publics) on one of China’s social media platforms, Weibo. Findings from a content analysis of 9238 unique posts on three national crises (the 2010 Yushu Earthquake, the 2015 Tianjin Explosions, and the 2018 Vaccine Scandal) reveal that Chinese publics tended to adopt social issue and blaming frames, while the government and organizations were more prone to using informing and corrective action frames. When recalling and reconstructing crisis memories, Chinese publics used more power and contestation narrative, while the government frequently adopted the nationalism narrative; with trauma being the predominant narrative displayed across the three crises and social actors. Crisis response frames of blaming, crediting, and corrective action were significantly associated with narratives of power and contestation, heroism, and nationalism, respectively. Theoretical implications for future research on crisis collective memory making on social media and suggestions for governmental crisis communication are discussed.     

US slavery,civil war,and the emancipation of enslaved mothers

ABSTRACT

In the United States, slavery’s destruction was a war-long process, shaped not only by Union military victories, legislation, and presidential proclamations, but also by contradictory, inconsistent and sometimes lethal policies enacted by the Union military and federal government toward refugees from slavery. The haphazard nature of those policies and their often deadly consequences were never more evident than in the experience of enslaved women, mothers, and the children under their care, who approached Union lines in pursuit of freedom, but encountered a gauntlet of conflicting and unevenly enforced military edicts and a humanitarian crisis still only superficially understood by many Civil War historians.     

The federal Public Relations Administration: history’s near miss

Given the permanent hostility by Congress to public relations in public administration at the federal level of government, it is surprising how close the federal government came to establishing a wartime agency, entitled the Public Relations Administration (PRA), as part of its administrative structure in World War II.During the interwar years (1918–1941), the civilian and military leadership of the US engaged in elaborate planning for a possible future war, including recommending the creation of a superagency called the PRA. The 1933 version of the Industrial Mobilization Plan (IMP) submitted to Congress by the Army and Navy was the high water mark of institutionalizing public relations in public administration. This one-time opportunity to legitimize and professionalize public relations by the federal government was lost due to the opposition of President Franklin Roosevelt in 1939. This article relates how that planning effort unfolded and the factors that led to its stillbirth.