A narrowing gap? Trends in the childlessness of professional women in Australia 1986–2006

This paper examines whether the gap in fertility between women with higher education and in professional occupations and other women has narrowed or widened over time in Australia. Using data from the Australian Census of Population and Housing 1986, 1996 and 2006, the paper focuses on levels of childlessness. Both working women (using occupational categories) and all women (using educational attainment) aged between 20 and 44 were examined. Focusing particularly on women working in, or qualified for, some selected high-prestige professions (doctors, lawyers, dentists and vets), as well as on women with other tertiary qualifications and working in other professional or managerial occupations, the findings suggest that, between 1986 and 2006, childlessness has grown at a slower rate for women with tertiary education than for all women, although women with tertiary education continue to have the highest proportion of childlessness. Our findings for working women were similar, with women working in selected prestigious occupations having the highest rates of childlessness of all working women, but with this growing at a slower rate than was the case overall.     

How female education affects reproductive behavior in urban Pakistan

Although Pakistan remains in a pretransitional stage (contraceptive prevalence of only 11.9% among married women in 1992), urban women with post-primary levels of education are spearheading the gradual move toward fertility transition. Data collected in the city of Karachi in 1987 were used to determine whether the inverse association between fertility and female education is attributable to child supply variables, demand factors, or fertility regulation costs. Karachi, with its high concentration of women with secondary educations employed in professional occupations, has a contraceptive prevalence rate of 31%. Among women married for less than 20 years, a 10-year increment in education predicts that a woman will average two-fifths of a child less than other women in the previous 5 years. Regression analysis identified 4 significant intervening variables in the education-fertility relationship: marriage duration, net family income, formal sector employment, and age at first marriage. Education appears to affect fertility because it promotes a later age at marriage and thus reduces life-time exposure to the risk of childbearing, induces women to marry men with higher incomes (a phenomenon that either reduces the cost of fertility regulation or the demand for children), leads women to become employed in the formal sector (leading to a reduction in the demand for children), and has other unspecified effects on women's values or opportunities that are captured by their birth cohort. When these intervening variables are held constant, women's attitude toward family planning loses its impact on fertility, as do women's domestic autonomy and their expectations of self-support in old age. These findings lend support to increased investments in female education in urban Pakistan as a means of limiting the childbearing of married women. Although it is not clear if investment in female education would have the same effect in rural Pakistan, such action is important from a human and economic development perspective.     

Migration and fertility in the Philippines: Hendershot's selectivity model revisited

A demographer compared 1983 data on 5092 currently married migrant and nonmigrant women living in the Philippines to determine whether migration was still selective in terms of fertility behavior or not. Fertility was basically the same between migrant and nonmigrant women in their early reproductive years, but clear differences existed between older migrants and nonmigrants as indicated by children ever born (CEB). In fact, migration did not significantly affect cumulative fertility at all (correlation ratio=.03). Moreover its effect was further reduced when the researchers controlled for age and duration of marriage. Besides level of education and contraceptive use status contributed more to explanations of fertility differentials (correlation ratio=.09 for both) than did migration. The mean number of CEB adjusted for all variables fell with level of education from 4.18 for those with primary education to 3.63 to those with college education. This result identified education as a means to reduce high fertility in the Philippines. On the other hand, the mean was higher among women who ever used contraception than it was for those who never used it (4.21 vs. 3.72). Apparently considerable family size motivated mothers to use contraception. Since women who migrated to cities tended to be in the beginning of their reproductive period, considerable natural increase could occur in urban areas. Therefore the Philippines needed to devise a strategy for reducing fertility among migrant women as well as strategies for other groups such as professional/career oriented women and women who remained at home to tend to children and/or the home.     

Lesbians over 60 speak for themselves

With all its faults, this study, begun in 1983, is the first attempt to reach a nationwide representation of lesbian elders in order to gather information about their background, their relationship with their families of origin, and, for those married to men, with their husbands, children, and grandchildren. It explores their sexual behavior, both their physical and psychological health, and how aging has affected them. With the relatively meagre data available, it tries to make some comparison between lesbians and gay men over 60. All of this is just a beginning, an effort, it is hoped, that will encourage researchers to investigate further this hidden population that is another fascinating component of our diverse society. Through our research, we established that gay women of advanced age, as we have long surmised, are everywhere. Like their younger cohorts, they live in all regions of America, rural as well as urban. They come in all colors and are from all occupations: professional, business, clerical, trades, domestic work, and land management, to name a few. Many of them are now retired. Their formal education ranges from high school diplomas to doctorate degrees. A few are financially well off, while another few live below the poverty line. The rest enjoy reasonable comfort in their own homes, on modest incomes. In both political and religious affiliation, they tend to be liberal. Their sexual history runs the gamut from exclusively homosexual, through equally homosexual and heterosexual, to asexual. As they age and sex becomes a less significant part of their relationships, companionship grows more important. They prefer to associate with other lesbians within 10 years of their own age, whom they meet in community social groups, through friends, or at work--but not in bars. They do not relish the thought of ending their lives in any institution for the aged, but would consider a gay/lesbian intergenerational retirement community acceptable. Their most serious problems, even with the advantaged group surveyed, are those that affect many women of advanced age in our society: loneliness and economic worries. Although the feminization of poverty has been a topic under public scrutiny for some time, because it involves women of all ages, less attention has been paid to it in relation to the elderly. The equally disabling condition brought on by their isolation and loneliness has also been disregarded.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)     

The conflicting effects of delayed marriage and declining divorce rates on cumulative fertility in Indonesia

The impact of nuptiality patterns on fertility in Indonesia is examined with multivariate analysis controlling for 8 socioeconomic variables. Data were obtained from the 1987 Indonesian Contraceptive Prevalence Survey. Marriage is usually universal by age 35, and in this study all women 30 years had been married at least once. 20% were married at 15 years and 45% married at 18 years. For those married more than once, prevalence of 1st marriage was 7% for women 15-24 years, 15% for 25-34 years, and 29% for 35-49 years. In 1976 and 1987, the age at 1st marriage and number of times married were both strongly and negatively correlated. The % never marrying between 15-49 years rose from 21.5% to 26.4% between 1980-87. Cumulative fertility w as related to both age at 1st marriage and number of times married. Muslim women, women in Java and Bali, and rural women all marry at younger ages. 27% of the variance in age at 1st marriage is explained by women aged 25-34, current residence, region, religion, language, education, and work or not before marriage. The number of times married is also associated with socioeconomic characteristics without control, i.e., Muslim women 25-34 years were 3 times more likely to have been married more than once than in other faiths. With controls for socioeconomic factors, only 13% of the variance is explained and being Muslim has no statistically significant effect. The important net effects were being interviewed in Balinese, age, and age at 1st marriage. In the analysis of cumulative fertility, age at 1st marriage consistently is related to cumulative fertility in almost every socioeconomic group when age and number of times married is controlled for. Women married more than once have lower fertility. 36% of the variance is explained by all the variables. Being married more than once leads to having 2.1 fewer children. A 5-year delay in marriage leads to .75-1.1 fewer children. When other variables are controlled for, neither educational level nor prior work experience has a statistically significant effect on cumulative fertility. In the contraception analysis, women married more than once used contraception less. Among women 35-49, those marrying later had higher contraceptive use, but in general contraceptive use declined with age. More information is needed on why marriage patterns are changing.     

Sex role effects on female response to illness

This study of sex differentials in health behavior and health service choice among the Korean rural population is based on 1421 individuals aged 14 and over who received medical care at hospitals or clinics, pharmacies, a government health center, or through Chinese medical practices. Logistic regression is used to explore the relationship between the dichotomous variable, the log of the odds of the probability of using formal health care services, and the independent variables (sex, age, education, marital status, perceived health status, perceived medical care need, illness days in bed, limited activity days, total sick days, date of illness). A profile of rural Korea shows for all ages fewer adult females than males, but more females 65 years who have been previously married, which suggests higher male mortality rates in the middle ages. Health service usage is higher among the elderly. Higher level of education is associated with greater use of formal medical service. The results of binomial and multinomial analysis indicate that women receive less medical care from the formal system in spite of complaints and restricted activity, and least of all from health centers. It is suggested that personnel at health centers may reduce the desire for care because of incompatible social backgrounds (young single males who are inexperienced, city bred, and completing required service). A woman must carefully choose from the formal system and may more easily use the informal system of pharmacies and Chinese medicine practice. The responses to self rated health showed many differences; males report better health than females and older people consider themselves more unhealthy than young or adult groups. Those with lower educational attainment also consider themselves unhealthy, and indicate greater need for health services. Females and older age groups also stated their need for professional medical care for an illness within 15 days prior to the survey. The mean number of bed days followed a similar pattern as the perceived need and self rated health. However, women had a lower volume of bed days than men in contrast to typical Western trends. Females reported more restricted days of activity. The old age group had the same restricted days but more bed days than the adult group. Reported chronic diseases were greater for lower socioeconomic groups.     

The increase in marital status differences in mortality up to the oldest age in seven European countries, 1990–99

We investigate mortality differentials by marital status among older age groups using a database of mortality rates by marital status at ages 40 and over for seven European countries with 1 billion person-years of exposure. The mortality advantage of married people, both men and women, continues to increase up to at least the age group 85–89, the oldest group we are able to consider. We find the largest absolute differences in mortality levels between marital status groups are at high ages, and that absolute differentials are: (i) greater for men than for women; (ii) similar in magnitude across countries; (iii) increase steadily with age; and (iv) are greatest at older age. We also find that the advantage enjoyed by married people increased over the 1990s in almost all cases. We note that results for groups such as older divorced women need to be interpreted with caution.     

The increase in marital status differences in mortality up to the oldest age in seven European countries, 1990-99

We investigate mortality differentials by marital status among older age groups using a database of mortality rates by marital status at ages 40 and over for seven European countries with 1 billion person-years of exposure. The mortality advantage of married people, both men and women, continues to increase up to at least the age group 85-89, the oldest group we are able to consider. We find the largest absolute differences in mortality levels between marital status groups are at high ages, and that absolute differentials are: (i) greater for men than for women; (ii) similar in magnitude across countries; (iii) increase steadily with age; and (iv) are greatest at older age. We also find that the advantage enjoyed by married people increased over the 1990s in almost all cases. We note that results for groups such as older divorced women need to be interpreted with caution.     

Professional women “rebalancing” in retirement: Time,relationships, and body

ABSTRACT

This is an interview-based study focused on how professional baby boomer women negotiate and narrate postretirement lives. This group came of age in the 1960s and represents a socially privileged segment of the baby boomer generation, a cohort that created new gendered pathways in employment. Today, these retired professional women are attempting to make sense of their multilayered complex and changing realities. In their accounts, the most salient themes are shifting identity, embodiment, and relationships. By using what we call a relational lens, we will show how many aspects of postretirement life, for these professional women, are mediated by changing relationships—relationships to time, work identity, friends and family, and body. Through these individual and relational contexts we see how female professional baby boomer retirees grapple with liberation and loss, autonomy and control, ongoing gendered work, and rebalancing in a new chapter of life. Perhaps most importantly, we see how learning about self in this stage of life, and perhaps across the life course, takes place largely in the context of relationships.     

What's happening to U.S. family size?

A telephone survey by Zero Population Growth demographers found that birthrates have risen slightly for the 1st quarter of 1977. Average estimated family size is now 1.85 children per women compared with 1.77 for the 1st quarter of 1976. For all of 1976 the total fertility rate was 1.76 children per woman. It is predicted, on the basis of the informal survey, that the total fertility rate will rise to 2.0 or 2.1 children by the early or mid-1980s. In 1976, married women expected an average of 2.4 children each. Wives 18-24 expected 2.1 children each while older women (35-39) expected 3.0. Many women are delaying births. Wives 18-24 have an average of .8 children each, wives 25-29 have 1.6 children each. Campbell Gibson, former chief of the projections branch of the Census Bureau, believes births will not reach levels of expectations becuase of the financial, employment, and social problems the huge Baby Boom age group faces throughout its lifetime. The undecided women in the surveys reduce the predictive value. 18% of single women aged 14-39 and 8% of married women in the same age group said they were uncertain about how many children they would have. Since the personalitites and motivations of this undecided group are similar to those who expect to remain childless, it is possible that this group will have fewer children. Such nondemographic factors as media publicity about low fertility rates may inspire some couples to have children. Conversely, the postponement of births may enable couples to become comfortable with a certain lifestyle and these couples may not have as many children as they expect. Social norms are already changing. The percent of wives expecting to be childless rose from 1.3 to 4.1% between 1967-1975. Those expecting only 1 child rose from 6.1 to 11.2%.     

Amanda Smith Barusch. Love Stories of Later Life: A Narrative Approach to Understanding Romance

There is a sparsity of research about women in midlife career transitions. This study focuses on the career patterns of twenty-nine first and second year MSW women students (ages 27-60). Previous professional career events, role models and other factors most affecting career change are examined. The findings identify frustrated relationship needs, barriers to achievement in previous careers, and the attraction of social work produced incentives for change. Women in the oldest age group (over 50) appear to have the most din~culti me adapting to the student lie.     

Premarital pregnancies and out-of-wedlock births in denmark, 1950–65

Although comprehensive investigation of child spacing patterns requires consideration of those births that were conceived before marriage, detailed data on such births often are not available, especially in the United States. Danish statistics on first births by duration of marriage and on out-of-wedlock births permit evaluation of trends in premarital pregnancies. For the period 1950-65, they point to (1) a rise in the percentage of all brides who are pregnant at marriage; (2) an increase in the proportion of first births occurring within both six and nine months of marriage; and (3) a rise in out-of-wedlock births.The trend for the country as a whole also characterizes Copenhagen, but at a higher level, and this reflects the capital's more urban character, greater permissiveness, and attraction to young migrants. Age differentials indicate that as high as 90 percent of all first births among married women aged under 20 years and over 50 percent of those to women aged 20-24 years are premaritally conceived. The rise in the number of first births among young women largely accounts for the overall rise in the level of premarital conceptions. Compared to its suburbs, Copenhagen in 1965 had higher levels of premarital conceptions. The overall residential differential stems both from higher proportions of such births in all age groups in Copenhagen (but especially those aged 20 years and over) and from the fact that Copenhagen has proportionally more first births occurrinq to women aged under 20 years, the age group in which the rates of premarital conceptions are especially high.     

Family transitions in Young Adulthood

Using the first (1995) and third (2001-2002) waves of the Add Health survey, we examine women 's family transitions up to age 24. Only a third of all women marry, and a fifth of those marriages dissolve before age 24. Three out of eight women have afirst birth, with a substantial majority of those births outside of marriage: 66% for whites, 96% for blacks, and 72% for Mexican Americans. Cohabitation is the predominant union form; 59% of women cohabit at least once by age 24. Most cohabitations are short lived, with approximately one in five resulting in a marriage. We summarize the family and relationship experience of women up to age 24 in terms offour categories, each accounting for roughly a quarter of all women. Category 1 has the women who remain single nonparents. Category 2 has the early marriers, women whose marriage is not preceded by a first birth. Category 3 has those who become single parents. Category 4 has the women who cohabit at least once, but who do not marry or have a birth by age 24. The strictly ordered transitions of the 1950s are long gone and have been replaced by a variety of paths to adulthood.     

A study of migration to Greater Santiago (Chile)

The most significant results of a survey in Greater Santiago in 1962 by the Latin American Demographic Center are presented in this paper. The population studied had slightly more than 2 million inhabitants at the time the survey was taken. A probability sample was drawn and interviews were taken without regard to the migration status of the household. The interview schedules were designed to obtain data on the demographic and social aspects of the migrant as contrasted with the non-migrant population. Migration history, the objective and subjective factors that appear to have "motivated" movement to Santiago, and other aspects oj the migratory move itself were also topics of inquiry.Tabulations of this survey portray Santiago as a city of great in-migration. The flow is estimated to be between 1.5 and 1.7 percent per year. Among the population 15 years of age or over, about 50 percent were found to be migrants from outside the metropolitan area. A high level of flow has been sustained for several decades, for only 60 percent of the total in-migrants have arrived during the last twenty years.Migration to Santiago was found to be selective by sex. For each two male in-migrants there were three female migrants. Migration was also selective by age. During the decade preceding the survey, two-thirds had arrived before attaining their twenty-fifth birthday. Forty-four percent of the men and 51 percent of the women had been between 15 and 29 years of age at time of arrival. The migrants had moved very little before their journey to Santiago. Among those who were 15 years of age or older at the time of migration, more than half had moved directly from their place of birth to Santiago. Prior mobility was slightly higher among persons coming from rural or semiurban origins than among those coming from urban origins.Two-thirds of the in-migrants arrived from urban places (places of 5,000 or more inhabitants in 1952). Despite the fact that in 1952 almost 50 percent of Chile's population outside Santiago was genuinely rural, only 13 percent of the in-migrants came from such origins. The balance came from areas classed as semiurban.The principal motive given for making the move to Santiago was work in 60 percent of the cases. Education was the second most commonly cited principal motive, given by 10 percent. Among those coming from rural and semiurban origins, an even greater proportion claimed work to be the principal motive, while those coming from urban settings were more inclined to report education.The spatial distribution of migrants within the territory of Greater Santiago was studied in four sectors, each with different socioeconomic characteristics. The present distribution, as well as the distribution of first places of residence, indicates that the distribution was more or less proportionate among the sectors and follows the expansion of the metropolitan area. However, a high concentration of migrant women was found in the middle- and upper-class residential sectors. This is probably due to the existence of housemaids in those sectors.Migrants were found to be living in poorer housing than non-migrants-especially for families whose heads were recent migrants(from 1952 to 1962). Among the migrants who had arrived within the last ten years, 30 percent lived in dwellings that lacked the basic services, such as running water, electricity, or sewer. Migrants who had arrived more than ten years before the survey tended to live in houses lacking these facilities only with about the same frequency as the non-migrants-23 percent.The educational attainment of migrants was lower than that of natives. This differential was especially great among women.The recent migrants have a greater rate of labor-force participation than the other groups. Among males, the rate for migrants was 84 percent and for natives 78 percent. The differential is even greater in the group 15-29 years of age, where the rates were 73 percent for migrants and 61 percent for natives. A similar differential was found for women.An income differential unfavorable toward migrants was found for both male and female workers. Among male workers there were no major occupational differences between migrants and non-migrants; among both migrants and natives two-thirds of the labor-force participants were classified as laborers. Among women there was a large differential; 80 percent of female migrants were laborers as contrasted with 56 percent for natives.It is interesting to mention that the proportion of manual workers, in the group "personal services," is higher among migrants than among natives. And, at the same time, the proportion of non-manual workers, in the group of "professionals and techniques," is higher among migrants than among natives.Finally, fertility of the native married women, whose husbands were present, is high. The average number of living children of women from 20 to 49 years old was 3.38 for native women and 3.19 for migrant women.     

Educational attainment as a selective factor in marital status transitions in the United States

Data on marital status from the 1940, 1950, and 1960 censuses of the United States are organized to show (1) trends in percentages of men and women who were single, by age and education (grades of school completed); (2) relative education levels of husbands and wives for selected groups of couples in 1940 and I960 with comparisons for the two years; and (3) education levels of women in 1950 by marital status, controlling for age and year of entry into the 1950 marital status. The rate at which single persons married for the first time increased markedly during the decade of the 1940's but much less in the next decade. The 1940's increases occurred for both sexes at all educational levels and at all ages except the oldest. However, the rate of increase was greatest for both sexes in the ages from about 20 to 34 for women and 22 to S4for men (modal age for first marriage is 18 for women and 21 for men). The distribution of percents single by age was about the same in all three censuses for persons with elementary schooling.A trend toward smaller proportions of the single, both men and women, among young persons with college education continued for the entire twenty-year period, despite the lack of such a trend in the 1950's at other age and education levels. However, the available data on education of first-married husbands and wives indicate that the ratio of college-educated husbands to college-educated wives was higher in 1960 than in 1940. Part of the explanation may lie in the relatively high proportions of college-educated women found in the marital statuses "divorced" and "married more than once" in the 1950 Census, particularly at the younger ages and shorter durations; but the data are not adequate for a very satisfactory explanation. For the younger first-married for whom education of partners was cross-tabulated in 1940 and 1960, the proportions of college-educated persons were so much higher in 1960 than in 1940 that the proportions also increased of both husbands and wives at all educational levels who were married to college-educated partners. There was a marked decline in proportions of couples with only elementary schooling.Finally, based on data from the 1950 Census for women (15-59 years of age), the separated group included more with only elementary schooling, as did the widowed. Those remaining single and those married once usually included the highest proportions of college-educated women.     

Impact of low fertility and early age at sterilisation on women’s formal education and skill development in South India

This paper examines the impact of low fertility and early age at sterilisation on women’s formal education and skill development in South India. Multilevel ordered-logit modelling of pseudo-cohort data re-organised from the three rounds of National Family Health Survey, and thematic analysis of qualitative data collected from Tamil Nadu and Kerala states showed no evidence of women’s resumption of formal education or uptake of skill development training in the post-sterilisation and post-childcare period. While resuming formal education in the post-sterilisation and post-childcare period is harder to achieve for various individual, household, community and policy reasons, there is greater preparedness and support for women to undertake skill development training. As low fertility and early age at sterilisation are widely regarded as the emerging reproductive norm in India, post-sterilisation and -childcare women will be a significant population group both in number and in proportional terms. No government policies or programs have so far recognised this group. India’s new government should consider targeted skill development programs for post-sterilisation and -childcare women appropriate to their social, economic and educational levels. An important contribution of the family planning program, particularly female sterilisation, for the economic and social development of the family and the wider society will otherwise be lost.     

Retirement for women: the impact of employment

This study compares the retirement experiences of professional and nonprofessional women. The analysis is based on 48 interviews with women ranging in age from 63-83 years. Participants provided personal and occupational histories and described their retirement decisions, transitions, and lives in retirement. The women's retirement experiences differed in five areas: (1) attachment to work, (2) professional identity, (3) social contacts, (4) family roles/obligations, and (5) community involvement. Findings indicate investment in the work role does affect how women transition to retirement as well as how they structure their time in retirement.     

The continuation of education after marriage among women in the United States: 1970

Data from the 1970 National Fertility Study are used to assess the extent and determinants of post-nuptial education among women in the United States. Over one-fifth of all women have attended high school or college since marriage; over one-third either have returned to school or anticipate returning to an academic institution sometime in the future. This phenomenon is apparently increasing since women married less than five years have already attended school in as great a proportion as women married 15-19 years. Examination of differentials reveals for both blacks and whites that post-nupital education is higher among women who: (1) attended college before marriage, (2) married early, (3) are currently separated or divorced, (4) support egalitarian sex-role attitudes, or (5) whose most recent occupation is in the professional, managerial, or administrative category. Post-nuptial trends in education undoubtedly reflect the much broader social phenomenon of changing sex-role perceptions.     

Age at the onset of menopause and its influencing factors in Turkish women in a rural area

This study was performed to identify menopausal age and its determining factors in women over 40 residing in the Dogubeyazit district of Agri, located in Eastern Turkey. This cross-sectional study was performed on a sample of 1,068 women, selected by simple random sampling among all district health center records of women aged 40 and greater, who were each attributed a random serial number. While 35.6% of the subjects had not yet reached menopause, 60.5% had entered it spontaneously and 3.9% surgically. Average age at spontaneous menopause was 47.4 ± 3.7 years and that of surgical menopause 45.1 ± 5.0. Age at marriage, age of last pregnancy, and the age of the subject’s mother at menopause affected menopausal status. Identifying menopausal age and its determining factors may modify the menopausal status of women and their management of the perimenopausal period.     

Demography of the marriage market in the United States

In this paper, a new index designed to measure the relative availability of unmarried men and women is introduced. Termed the "Availability Ratio," the measure is defined as the number of suitable persons divided by the average competition. Suitability, in turn, is defined in terms of race, age and education. After various experimental tests, particular age and eeducational constraints were empirically derived from marriage data. Persons of opposite sex sharing living quarters are tested as unavailable. Estimates are also made of those presumed to be unsuitable on the basis of the % of persons aged 45-74 who have never married. Adjustments for the census undercount are given. 1980 and 1970 estimates are presented for the US population. Subsequent analyses will focus on metropolitan areas, which are more likely to function as actual marriage markets in contrast to the nation as a whole. The substantive evidence indicates that women under 25 are in a good position to find a mate, but that after this age, their prospects deteriorate rapidly. The outlook is especially poor for the more educated women at older ages, especially black women. At ages 40-49, for example, there are fewer than 3 suitable men available for every 10 college-educated women. The results suggest that the combination of preferences of women for older men (or men's tastes for younger women), combined with higher survival rates for women at older ages, results in a very unbalanced market situationn for all but the youngest cohorts of men and women.