Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 2000 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides summary data on the insured and uninsured populations in the nation and in each state. It discusses the characteristics most closely related to an individual's health insurance status. Based on EBRI estimates from the March 2000 Current Population Survey (CPS), it represents 1999 data--the most recent available. In 1999, for the first time since at least 1987, the percentage of Americans with health insurance increased: 82.5 percent of nonelderly Americans (under age 65) were covered by some form of health insurance, up from 81.6 percent in 1998. The percentage of nonelderly Americans without health insurance coverage declined from 18.4 percent in 1998 to 17.5 percent in 1999. The main reason for the decline in the number of uninsured Americans is the strong economy and low unemployment. Between 1998 and 1999, the percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by employment-based health insurance increased from 64.9 percent to 65.8 percent, continuing a longer-term trend that started between 1993 and 1994. In 1999, 34.1 million Americans received health insurance from public programs, and an additional 15.8 million purchased it directly from an insurer. Twenty-five million Americans participated in the Medicaid program, and 6.5 million received their health insurance through the Tricare and CHAMPVA programs and other government programs designed to provide coverage for retired military members and their families. Despite expansions in the State Children's Health Insurance Program (S-CHIP), public health insurance coverage did not increase overall between 1998 and 1999. The percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by Medicaid and other government-sponsored health insurance coverage did not change between 1998 and 1999, though some children benefited from expansions in government-funded programs. The percentage of children in families just above the poverty level without health insurance coverage declined dramatically, from 27.2 percent uninsured in 1998 to 19.7 percent uninsured in 1999. Some of the decline can be attributed to expansions in Medicaid and S-CHIP, but it appears that expansions in employment-based health insurance and individually purchased coverage had an even larger effect than expansion of S-CHIP. Even though the number and percentage of uninsured declined substantially between 1998 and 1999, more than 42 million Americans remain uninsured. As long as the economy is strong and unemployment is low, employment-based health insurance coverage will expand and the uninsured will decline gradually. If the economy continues to soften or comes close to a recession, the number of uninsured would easily and quickly start to increase again as unemployment rises. Should a severe downturn in the economy occur, causing the uninsured to represent 25 percent of the nonelderly population, 63 million Americans would be uninsured.     

Expanding health insurance for children: examining the alternatives

This Issue Brief examines the issue of uninsured children. The budget reconciliation legislation currently under congressional consideration earmarks $16 billion for new initiatives to provide health insurance coverage to approximately 5 million of the 10 million uninsured children during the next five years. Proposals to expand coverage among children include the use of tax credits, subsidies, vouchers, Medicaid program expansion, and expansion of state programs. However, these proposals do not address the decline in employment-based health insurance coverage--the underlying cause of the lack of coverage, to the extent that a cause can be identified. What is worse, some proposals to expand health insurance among children may discourage employers from offering coverage. Between 1987 and 1995, the percentage of children with employment-based health insurance declined from 66.7 percent to 58.6 percent. Despite this trend, the percentage of children without any form of health insurance coverage barely increased. In 1987, 13.1 percent were uninsured, compared with 13.8 percent in 1995. Medicaid program expansions helped to alleviate the effects of the decline in employment-based health insurance coverage among children and the potential increase in the number of uninsured children. Between 1987 and 1995, the percentage of children enrolled in the Medicaid program increased from 15.5 percent to 23.2 percent. Some questions to consider in assessing approaches to improving children's health insurance coverage include the following: If the government intervenes, should it do so through a compulsory mechanism or a voluntary system? Is the employment-based system "worth saving" for children? In other words, are the market interventions necessary to keep this system functioning for children too regulatory, too intrusive, and too cumbersome to be practical? In addition to reforming the employment-based system, what reforms are necessary in order to reach those families who have no coverage through the work place? Which approaches are both efficient and politically acceptable? Employment-based coverage of children will likely continue. The challenge for lawmakers is to find a way to cover more uninsured children without eroding employment-based coverage. Several current legislative proposals attempt to avoid this problem by excluding children who have access to employment-based coverage. Without such a requirement, the opportunity to purchase coverage at a discount would create incentives for some low-income employees to drop dependent/family coverage, which in turn could lead some employers to drop their health plans.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured. Analysis of the March 1993 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief/Special Report examines the extent of health insurance coverage in the United States, the characteristics of the uninsured population by employment status, firm size, industry, income, location, family type, gender and age, race and origin, and education, as well as how the uninsured population has changed over the last several years. Eighty-three percent of nonelderly Americans and 99 percent of elderly Americans (aged 65 and over) were covered by either public or private health insurance in 1992, according to EBRI tabulations of the March 1993 Current Population Survey (CPS). The March 1993 CPS is the most recent data available on the number and characteristics of uninsured Americans. In 1992, 17.$ percent of the nonelderly population--or 38.5 million people--were not covered by private health insurance and did not receive publicly financed health assistance. This compares with 36.3 million in 1991 (16.6 percent), 35.7 million in 1990 (16.5 percent), 34.4 million in 1989 (16.1 percent, and 33.6 million in 1988 (15.9 percent). The most important determinant of health insurance coverage is employment. Nearly two-thirds of the nonelderly (62.5 percent) have employment-based coverage. Workers were much more likely to be covered by employment-based health plans than nonworkers (71 percent, compared with 40 percent). A primary reason for the increase in the number of uninsured between 1991 and 1992 is a decline in employment-based coverage among individuals (and their families) working for small firms. Forty-two percent of the additional 2.2 million individuals without coverage between 1991 and 1992 were in families in which the family head worked for an employer with fewer than 25 employees. The number of children who were uninsured in 1992 was 9.8 million, or 14.8 percent of all children. This compares with 9.5 million and 14.7 percent in 1991. The increase in the number and proportion of uninsured children was partially offset by an increase in the proportion of children with Medicaid. In 12 states and the District of Columbia, more than 20 percent of the population was uninsured in 1992 (table 3). These states and their uninsured rates were Nevada (26.6 percent), Oklahoma (25.8 percent), Louisiana (25.7 percent), Texas (25.7 percent), the District of Columbia (25.5 percent), Florida (24.2 percent), Arkansas (23.5 percent), California (22.2 percent), South Carolina (20.8 percent) and Alabama (20.1 percent).     

Issues in mental health care benefits: the costs of mental health parity

This Issue Brief discusses issues in mental health care benefits. It describes the current state of employment-based mental health benefits and discusses studies and issues regarding full mental health parity. It also includes an analysis of the effect of full mental parity on the uninsured population and the effects of the limited mental health parity provision contained in the VA-HUD appropriations bill. The final section discusses the implications of mental health parity for health plans and health insurers. When employers began to provide health insurance benefits to their employees and their families, they extended coverage to include mental health benefits under the same terms as other health care services. Many employers continued to add mental health benefits through the 1970s and early 1980s until cost pressures required employers to re-examine all health care benefits that were offered. They quickly found that, while only a small proportion of the beneficiaries used mental health care services, the costs associated with this care were very high. As a result, employers placed limits on mental health benefits in an attempt to make the insurance risk more manageable. The general strategies employers have used to manage their health care costs are cost sharing, utilization review, managed care, and the packaging of provider services. Employers' cost management strategies may be restricted, however. Five states have mental health parity laws, but three of the states--Rhode Island, Maine, and New Hampshire--apply these laws only to the seriously mentally ill. In addition, 31 states mandate that mental health benefits be provided. However, state mandates apply only to insured plans, not to self-insured employer plans, which are exempt from state regulation of health plans under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA). A number of recent studies have examined the effect of mental health parity on health insurance premiums in a "typical" preferred provider organization and on the uninsured. In general, the studies concluded that mental health parity could increase health insurance premiums, decrease health insurance coverage for non-mental health related illnesses, and increase the number of uninsured individuals. All studies of mental health parity, and mandated benefits in general, assume that there is a strong likelihood that increased health benefit costs would be passed along to workers in the form of higher cost sharing for health insurance, lower wage growth, or lower growth in other employee benefits.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 2001 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides summary data on the insured and uninsured populations in the nation and in each state. It discusses the characteristics most closely related to an individual's health insurance status. Based on EBRI estimates from the March 2001 Current Population Survey (CPS), it represents 2000 data--the most recent available. Between 1999 and 2000, the percentage of Americans with health insurance increased: 84.1 percent of nonelderly Americans were covered by some form of health insurance in 2000, up from 83.8 percent in 1999. The percentage of nonelderly Americans without health insurance coverage declined from 16.2 percent in 1999 to 15.9 percent in 2000, continuing a trend that started between 1998 and 1999. The main reason for the decline in the number of uninsured Americans was the strong economy and low unemployment. Between 1999 and 2000, the percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by employment-based health insurance increased from 66.6 percent to 67.3 percent, continuing a longer-term trend that started between 1993 and 1994. In 2000, 34.3 million Americans received health insurance from public programs, and an additional 16.1 million purchased it directly from an insurer. More than 25 million Americans participated in Medicaid or the State Children's Health Insurance Program, and 6.1 million received their health insurance through the Tricare and CHAMPVA programs and other government programs designed to provide coverage for retired military members and their families. Even though the number and percentage of uninsured declined substantially between 1998 and 2000, more than 38 million Americans remain uninsured. While an increasing percentage of Americans were being covered by employment-based health plans, this trend may not continue because of the combined re-emergence of health care cost inflation and the weak economy. As long as the economy is strong and unemployment is low, employment-based health insurance coverage will expand and the uninsured will decline gradually. However, the combination of the current weak economy and the rising cost of providing health benefits will likely result in more Americans without health insurance coverage. Should the uninsured remain unchanged and continue to represent 15.9 percent of the nonelderly population, 40 million would be uninsured by 2005. If the uninsured represented 25 percent of the population, 63 million would be uninsured in 2005 and 65 million nonelderly Americans would be uninsured by 2010.     

Counting the uninsured: a comparison of national surveys

This Issue Brief reviews surveys that provide estimates of the uninsured population in the United States. It includes a discussion of why the estimates from the various surveys differ. It is important to understand the differences in the estimates of the uninsured population. The projected cost of implementing policy proposals depends on the estimates of the number of people affected by the proposals; for instance, the allocation of funding for the State Children's Health Insurance Program (S-CHIP) depends heavily on the available estimates. In addition, the estimated effectiveness of policy proposals to reduce the uninsured population will be accurate only if the correct count is known and the precise make-up of the uninsured population is understood. Currently, seven surveys can be used to make nationally representative estimates of the number of people without health insurance coverage. Some of the surveys collect health insurance information in the context of obtaining general information on health care, while other surveys are focused on other topics such as labor force participation and public assistance program participation. The most widely used survey that collects information on health insurance coverage is the Current Population Survey (CPS), conducted by the Census Bureau. The most recent estimates from the CPS suggests that 44.3 million Americans were uninsured in 1998. Besides the CPS, a number of other surveys collect information on the uninsured population. They include the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS), Community Tracking Study (CTS), Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), and the National Survey of America's Families (NSAF). Estimates of the uninsured from these surveys range from 19 million to 44 million and vary depending on the time frame the survey covers. A number of states have started to question the validity of the uninsured estimates from the CPS, and other surveys, because of the small sample size in many states. As a result, some states have begun to conduct their own surveys to determine the number of uninsured residents. States that regularly conduct their own surveys include Florida, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Mexico, Oregon, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Unfortunately, the various state surveys are not easily comparable. Research needs to continue to increase understanding of the differences among the surveys and to improve on methodologies to count the uninsured, as the future of public programs, such as S-CHIP and other state and local initiatives to expand health insurance coverage, depends on the accuracy of these estimates. Whatever survey is used, the results show that a substantial number of Americans do not have any health insurance coverage, and the number has been growing.     

Modeling the Impact of the Affordable Care Act and the Individual Mandate on Californians

The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) was designed to provide health insurance to uninsured or underinsured individuals. We used the California Simulation of Insurance Markets (CalSIM) model to predict the experience of consumers in California, who will be faced with new insurance options through Medicaid, employer-sponsored insurance, and the individual market in 2014 and beyond. We explored the response and characteristics of Californians who will and will not secure insurance coverage, with and without the “individual mandate” or minimum coverage requirement (MCR). We found 1.8 million Californians (38 %) of the 4.7 million eligible uninsured will secure coverage by 2019 with the MCR, while only 839,000 (18 % of the eligible uninsured) would obtain coverage without it.     

Health insurance coverage as people approach and pass age-eligibility for Medicare

This study uses six waves of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) to measure dynamics of health insurance coverage as people approach and pass age-eligibility for Medicare. Thirteen percent of 59- to 64-year-olds were uninsured and 13% of 65- to 70-year-olds relied solely on Medicare. Those unmarried, in good health, and in poor health had an increased likelihood of being uninsured before age-eligibility for Medicare, while non-whites and those in good health had an increased likelihood of having Medicare-only coverage after age-eligibility for Medicare. Although only a small percentage was continually without coverage or with Medicare-only coverage, a substantial percentage had these coverage types at some point. Limitations and policy implications are included.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 1999 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides summary data on the insured and uninsured populations in the nation and in each state. It discusses the characteristics most closely related to an individual's health insurance status. Based on EBRI estimates from the March 1999 Current Population Survey (CPS), it represents 1998 data--the most recent data available. In 1998, 194.7 million nonelderly Americans--81.6 percent--had some form of health insurance. More than 64 percent had it through an employment-based health plan; 6.5 percent purchased it on their own; and 14.3 percent were covered by a public program, mostly through Medicaid (10.4 percent). In 1998, 18.4 percent of the nonelderly population was uninsured (43.9 million people), compared with 14.8 percent in 1987. The percentage of uninsured Americans has generally been increasing since at least 1987, although the percentage uninsured in 1998 was not statistically different from the percentage uninsured in 1997 (18.3 percent). The increase in the uninsured prior to 1993 can be attributed to the erosion of employment-based health insurance. However, since 1993, the percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by an employment-based health plan has increased from 63.5 percent to 64.9 percent. The decline in public sources of health insurance would mostly explain the recent increase in the uninsured. For example, between 1994 and 1998 the percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by CHAMPUS/CHAMPVA declined from 3.8 percent to 2.9 percent, in large part due to downsizing in the military. Similarly, between 1993 and 1998, the percentage of nonelderly Americans covered by Medicaid declined from 12.7 percent to 10.4 percent as people left welfare. The increase in employment-based coverage since 1994 was due mainly to a higher likelihood that children were covered by an employment-based health plan. Between 1994 and 1998, the percentage of children covered by an employment-based health plan increased from 58.1 percent to 60.2 percent. For adults, it increased less than one percentage point, from 66.1 percent to 66.9 percent. Adults started to realize gains in employment-based health insurance between 1997 and 1998. Between 1994 and 1997, the percentage of working adults with employment-based health insurance coverage held steady at roughly 72.3 percent. During this period, health care cost inflation was essentially nonexistent. However, between 1997 and 1998, the percentage of working adults with employment-based health insurance increased from 72.2 percent to 72.8 percent, despite the apparent return of health care cost inflation in 1998. It is likely that the changing composition of the labor force accounted for some of the increase in employment-based coverage.     

Characteristics of the nonelderly with selected sources of health insurance and lengths of uninsured spells

This Issue Brief examines the characteristics of individuals with selected sources of coverage and combinations of sources of coverage over a 12-month period. In addition, it examines the characteristics of individuals who experience spells without health insurance and the lengths of these spells. It uses the most recent 12-month period from the Survey of Income and Program Participation and builds on previous research on the lengths of spells with and without health insurance. Analysis of individuals' health insurance coverage from October 1994 to September 1995 showed that approximately 77.6 percent of the nonelderly had health insurance coverage during this entire period. In addition, 22.4 percent of the nonelderly were uninsured for at least one month during this period, and 7.4 percent of the nonelderly were uninsured for the entire period. Of those with health insurance coverage for the entire year, approximately 83 percent were covered by private health insurance, with at least 81 percent of this group receiving the coverage from employment-based sources. Eighty-five percent of the spells without health insurance with an observed beginning and end lasted for 4 months or less, and 99 percent lasted for 8 months or less. When examining the spells with either an observed beginning or end, 55 percent of these spells were found to last for 4 months or less, and 87 percent were found to last for 8 months or less. However, investigation of all spells without health insurance showed that approximately one-half of all spells without health insurance coverage lasted for 8 months or longer. This report found that two-thirds of spells without health insurance last for less than one year, confirming previous research that a majority of these spells are for less than a year. However, this report also confirms the existence of a significant number--approximately one-third of all individuals with a spell of noncoverage--of chronically uninsured individuals. These individuals are the most likely to delay seeking treatment for illnesses and to use the emergency room as their only site of care. Because they are in poverty or near poverty, much of this care is uncompensated. Thus, to the extent that providers can shift these costs onto other payers, all individuals and employers share in these costs through higher health insurance premiums or higher taxes to finance public hospitals and public insurance programs. Recent major health insurance legislation has addressed access to health insurance, and in many cases focused solely on continued access to employment-based coverage, but has done very little to address the affordability of coverage. However, as this report demonstrates, many individuals experiencing spells without health insurance have low incomes. Thus, to obtain coverage, individuals need not only increased access to health insurance but also the ability to afford this health insurance.     

NUDGING LIFE INSURANCE HOLDINGS IN THE WORKPLACE

Using data from a university, we analyze a policy designed to increase employer‐sponsored life insurance. The university increased basic life insurance holdings, which nudged employees with supplemental coverage to have more life insurance. In large part due to inertia, the nudge increased life insurance holdings one‐for‐one for those who could have undone it. Additionally, we find that expanding coverage options significantly increased total life insurance holdings for new hires who were not subject to inertia. These policy changes reduced uninsured vulnerabilities for two‐thirds of employees. Our findings have important policy implications for addressing widespread disparities in life insurance coverage. (JEL D31, G22, D03, J32, J33, J38, H20)     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 2007 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides historic data through 2006 on the number and percentage of nonelderly individuals with and without health insurance. Based on EBRI estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau's March 2007 Current Population Survey (CPS), it reflects 2006 data. It also discusses trends in coverage for the 1994-2006 period and highlights characteristics that typically indicate whether an individual is insured. HEALTH COVERAGE CONTINUES DECLINE: The percentage of the nonelderly population (under age 65) with health insurance coverage continued to decline, reaching to a post-1994 low of 82.1 percent in 2006. Declines in health insurance coverage have been recorded in all but four years since 1994, when 36.5 million nonelderly individuals were uninsured; in 2006, the uninsured population was 46.5 million. EMPLOYMENT-BASED COVERAGE REMAINS DOMINANT SOURCE OF HEALTH COVERAGE: Employment-based health benefits remain by far the most common form of health coverage in the United States, consistently covering 60-70 percent of nonelderly individuals. In 2006, 62.2 percent of the nonelderly population had employment-based health benefits, as compared with 64.4 percent in 1994. Between 1994 and 2000, the percentage of the nonelderly population with employment-based coverage expanded. Since 2000, the percentage has declined. PUBLIC PROGRAM COVERAGE IS STABLE: Public-sector health coverage was slightly lower as a percentage of the population in 2006, accounting for 17.5 percent of the nonelderly population. The decline was due to a drop in the percentage of the population covered by the Tricare/CHAMPVA program. Enrollment in Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program increased, reaching 34.9 million in 2006, and covering 13.4 percent of the nonelderly population, which is significantly above the 10.5 percent level of 1999, but not far above the 12.7 percent level of 1994. INDIVIDUAL COVERAGE STABLE: Individually purchased health coverage was unchanged in 2006 and has basically hovered in the high 6 and low 7 percent range since 1994. PRIVATE- VS. PUBLIC-COVERAGE TRENDS REVERSING: Health insurance coverage generally has not sustained unbroken trends since 1994. There were crosscurrents: Employment-based coverage expanded significantly in the 1994-2000 period to exceed the growth in public programs. Subsequently, the dynamic reversed, as public programs expanded while employment-based coverage declined. It appears that 2005 might be the beginning of a new trend, where the erosion in employment-based coverage is not being offset by expansions in public programs. This may be due to the fact that, while unemployment is relatively low, the cost of providing health benefits continues to increase faster than inflation.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 1997 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides summary data on the insured and uninsured populations in the nation and in each state. It discusses the characteristics most closely related to individuals' health insurance status. Based on EBRI analysis of the March 1997 Current Population Survey, it represents 1996 data--the most recent data available. In 1996, 82.3 percent of nonelderly (under age 65) Americans had private or public health insurance. Seventy-one percent had private insurance, 64 percent through an employment-based plan. Sixteen percent had public health insurance. The percentage of uninsured Americans has been increasing since at least 1987. In 1987, 14.8 percent of the nonelderly population was uninsured, compared with 17.7 percent in 1996. However, the erosion of employment-based health benefits cannot fully explain this increase since 1993. Instead, the decline in public sources of health insurance would partly explain it. It may be that, while the percentage of individuals with employment-based coverage is rising, individuals previously covered by Medicaid and CHAMPUS/CHAMPVA are not being fully absorbed into the employment-based health insurance market. Between 1995 and 1996, the percentage of nonelderly Americans without health insurance coverage increased from 17.4 percent to 17.7 percent. Further examination indicates that children completely accounted for this increase. In 1995, 13.8 percent of children and 19 percent of persons ages 18-64 were uninsured, compared with 14.8 percent of children and 18.9 percent of persons ages 18-64 in 1996. With the recent passage of legislation designed to reduce the number of uninsured children, the next focal point for health care reform could be early retirees and unemployed persons. President Clinton and some members of Congress have expressed an interest in improving access to and affordability of coverage for these groups. Currently, health care cost inflation is at its lowest point in years, but there are signals indicating that it is about to rise above current levels. The federal government's recent announcement that health insurance premiums will rise for federal employees an average of 8.5 percent in 1998 may portend higher future health care costs. Similarly, disappointing earnings announcements from several large insurers because of higher medical costs and lower-than-expected revenues may indicate that health insurance plans will increase premiums. Employment and income play a dominant role in determining an individual's likelihood of having health insurance. Age, gender, firm size, work hours, and industry are also important determinants; however, these variables are also closely linked to employment status and income. Some of the widest variations involve factors that are not always looked at in traditional demographic assessments, such as citizenship. However, variations by race, ethnicity, and citizenship are also closely linked to employment status and income.     

Children Living With Uninsured Family Members: Differences by Family Structure

Despite increased access to insurance through the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010, uninsurance rates are expected to remain relatively high. Having uninsured family members may expose children to financial hardships. Eligibility rules governing both private and public health insurance are based on outdated expectations about family structure. Using 2009–2011 data from the National Health Interview Survey (N = 65,038), the authors investigated family structure differences in family‐level insurance coverage of households with children. Children living with married biological parents were the least likely to have uninsured family members and most likely to have all family members covered by private insurance. Controlling for demographic characteristics and income, children in single‐mother families had the same risk of having an uninsured family member as children in married‐parent families. Children with cohabiting biological parents had higher rates of family uninsurance than children with married biological parents, even accounting for other characteristics.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured. Analysis of the March 1992 Current Population Survey

Eighty-three percent of nonelderly Americans and 99 percent of elderly Americans (aged 65 and over) were covered by either public or private health insurance in 1991, according to EBRI tabulations of the March 1992 Current Population Survey (CPS). The March 1992 CPS is the most recent data available on the number and characteristics of uninsured Americans. In 1991, 16.6 percent of the nonelderly population--or 36.3 million people--were not covered by private health insurance and did not receive publicly financed health assistance. This number compares with 35.7 million in 1990 (16.6 percent), 34.4 million in 1989 (16.1 percent), and 33.6 million in 1988 (15.9 percent). The most important determinant of health insurance is employment. Nearly two-thirds (64 percent) of the nonelderly have employment-based coverage. Workers were much more likely to be covered by group health plans than nonworkers (71 percent versus 40 percent). Even though workers and members of their families were more likely to be covered by health insurance than nonworkers, 85 percent of the uninsured lived in families headed by workers in 1991, primarily because most people lived in families headed by workers. More than 60 percent of uninsured were in families headed by full-year workers with no unemployment. Nearly all persons who were covered by an employment based-plan received at least some contribution to that plan from their employer. The estimated average annual contribution among those receiving a contribution to employee or family plans was $2,129. Although many individuals in poor families are covered by public health plans, that coverage is far from universal. In 1991, only 52 percent of the nonelderly with income below the poverty line were covered by a public plan--49 percent by Medicaid. The number of children who were uninsured in 1991 was 9.5 million, or 14.7 percent of all children, compared with 9.8 million or 15.3 percent of all children in 1990. Twenty-three percent of children were covered by public health insurance, with 21 percent being covered by Medicaid. In 11 states and the District of Columbia, more than 20 percent of the population was uninsured in 1991. These states and their uninsured rates were the District of Columbia (30.3 percent), Texas (25.3 percent), New Mexico (24.5 percent), Louisiana (23.8 percent), Florida (23.5 percent), Mississippi (22.1 percent), Oklahoma (22.1 percent), Nevada (21.8 percent), California (21.7 percent),Arizona (21.1 percent), Alabama (20.6 percent), and Idaho (20.6 percent).     

DIFFERENTIAL DEPOSIT GUARANTEES AND THE EFFECT OF MONETARY POLICY ON BANK LENDING

This paper utilizes differences in de jure deposit insurance coverage across banks and changes in coverage over time to identify a bank‐lending channel in Poland. Banks with partial guarantees have a stronger loan response to monetary policy than banks with full guarantees. Furthermore, the weak response of the fully guaranteed banks is attributed to their ability to raise low‐reserve, uninsured time deposits relative to the partially covered banks. When differential coverage is eliminated, there is no disparity in the loan response between the two groups. This lending channel has implications for credit control and financial system development in emerging markets. (JEL E52, G21, G28)     

Constructing deservingness: federal welfare reform,supplemental security income,and elderly immigrants

On August 22, 1996, President Clinton signed the welfare reform law that ended eligibility for all immigrants to federal means tested entitlements. Poor elderly immigrants on Supplemental Security Income were specifically targeted. This article documents how the print media responded to these policy changes. The following are the major research questions: (1) How were older immigrants on Supplemental Security Income portrayed in the print media before and after federal welfare reform? (2) Who was involved in the print media coverage of older immigrants on Supplemental Security Income before and after federal welfare reform? (3) What types of statements were made by those involved in the print media coverage of older immigrants on Supplemental Security Income, before and after federal welfare reform? The approach used was an in-depth content analysis of newspaper articles from major U.S. newspapers. The findings demonstrate that older immigrants were constructed as "undeserving" in news articles prior to the passage of the federal welfare reform bill. However, after the passage of the federal welfare reform bill the coverage of older immigrants on Supplemental Security Income started to change, and older immigrants were portrayed as "deserving." In advancing aging policy for poor, vulnerable elderly, such as elderly immigrants, advocates, health and social service providers can play an influential role in bringing their voices to the print media.     

Gavel-to-Gavel Congressional Television Coverage as Political Advertising: The Impact of C-Span on Legislative Sessions

This article examines the effect of television on the length of legislative sessions at the federal level in the United States. Data from the U.S. Congress during the period 1972–96 are employed, during part of which time each house of Congress received significant television coverage by C-SPAN and C-SPAN2. Evidence from a Parks regression suggests that the presence of C-SPAN has increased House sessions by 88–250 hours and the presence of C-SPAN2 has increased Senate sessions by a striking 252–431 hours, other things constant. Additional estimates suggest that House sessions are about two minutes longer per bill introduced under the eye of C-SPAN, and Senate sessions are about four minutes longer per bill introduced in the presence of C-SPAN2. Longer sessions, which represent low-cost forms of advertising for incumbents, are not without costs to taxpayers. We estimate that these costs lie somewhere between $16 million and $392 million in real terms per session of Congress.     

Employment-based health benefits: who is offered coverage vs. who takes it

This Issue Brief provides data on employment-based health insurance, with a discussion of recent trends and how sponsorship rates, offer rates, coverage rates, and take-up rates vary for different workers. Other sections examine reasons why workers do not participate in employment-based health plans, alternative sources of health insurance, and uninsured workers. In 1997, 83 percent of the 108.1 million wage and salary workers in the United States were employed by a firm that sponsored a health plan. Of those workers, 75 percent were offered coverage, and 62 percent (or 67.5 million workers) were covered by that plan. Of those workers who worked for an employer that offered them a health plan, 83 percent participated in the plan. Sponsorship rates have barely changed in the last 11 years. In 1988, 83 percent of wage and salary workers reported that their employer sponsored a health plan. This declined slightly to 82 percent in 1993 but had increased to 83 percent by 1997. Offer rates significantly changed between 1988 and 1997. In 1988, 82 percent of workers reported that they were eligible for health insurance through their employer. By 1993, the percentage of eligible workers declined to 74 percent, and it has only slightly increased since then to 75 percent in 1997. In 1997, 40.6 million American workers did not have health insurance through their own job. Forty-five percent of the workers without coverage were employed at a firm where the employer did not provide health insurance to any workers. Thirty-three percent of the workers without coverage were offered coverage but declined it. Twenty-two percent of the workers without coverage were employed in a firm that offered health insurance to some of its workers, but certain workers were not eligible for the health plan. The 13.7 million workers who were offered coverage but declined it gave a number of reasons for doing so. In the majority of cases (61 percent), the worker was covered by another health plan. Of the remainder, 20 percent reported that health insurance was just too costly. Overall, 41 percent of the 40.6 million workers who were not participating in an employment-based health plan through their own employer had coverage through a spouse. However, 42 percent of the 40.6 million workers who declined their employers' health plan or who were not offered health insurance from their employer were uninsured.