Corporate political action committees' strategies in the 1980 congressional elections

Corporate political action committees donate millions of dollars to political candidates. They outnumber and outspend labor unions. Begun as a reform in the 1971 Campaign Finance Act, PAC's now appear to many as a threat to free elections. Using an original survey of 224 corporations whose PACs donated to 591 candidates, this article applies principal component analysis to evaluate them in terms of their strategy. Is it monolithic? Is it ideologically conservative? Is it anti-labor? Is it merely a pragmatic desire to ingratiate themselves with winners? The analysis finds that the pattern differs for winners and losers. While corporate PACs are not monolithic, they do tend to be either conservative ideologically or anti-labor.     

Down and Down We Go: Trust and Compliance in South Korea*

Objective Sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea have changed dramatically throughout the post‐World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article investigates the impact of value change on political cynicism and noncompliance. Methods This research analyzes data from the three waves of the World Values Surveys from 1982 to 1995. Results The findings indicate that there had been a general pattern of spreading public distrust of both social and political institutions between Koreans and that more elite‐challenging forms of political participation showed the predicted increase as well. Also found are different predictors of our two dependent variables: for political cynicism, those with a higher education and/or more libertarian values were more cynical of political institutions; for protest potential, citizens who are better educated, young, more libertarian, and more active in the political process were more likely to exhibit a greater potential to involve themselves in protest activities. Conclusions The research findings conclude that value change has played a central role in interpreting the sociopolitical world, and thus in minimizing the public's faith in key political and private institutions in Korea.     

政治信任、社会网络与抗争倾向:基于53个国家和地区的实证比较

本文基于世界价值观调查数据（2010～2014年）,构建了以抗争倾向为因变量的多层次混合效应逻辑斯蒂回归模型。对53个国家和地区的7万余份样本的分析表明,影响个体抗争倾向的因素同时存在于微观与宏观两个层次。在微观层次,相较于政治信任,个体的社会网络对抗争倾向的影响程度更高,说明相较于社会心理学视角下的集体行为理论,组织社会学视角下的资源动员理论具有更强的解释力。在宏观层次,相较于威权政体,民主政体下的个体更倾向于诉诸抗争行为。具体而言,威权政体下,强社会网络、低政治信任的个体抗争倾向最高;民主政体下,强社会网络、高政治信任的个体抗争倾向最高。这说明微观层次的因素对抗争倾向的影响受到政体类型的干预。     

试论正确处理弱势群体权利保护中的几种关系

在弱势群体权利保护过程中,弱势群体的利益是否会与公共利益发生冲突?公共权力能否干涉弱势群体的权利?救助弱势群体是否只是社会的责任?在宪政法治条件下是否需要法制强权?要解决这些问题,必须以构建社会主义“和谐社会”作为时代背景,正确处理弱势群体利益与公共利益的关系;弱势群体权利与公共权力的关系;自我救助与社会救助的关系;宪政法治与法制强权的关系。     

Social Policy and the Prevention of Suicidal Behaviour

Summary This paper is an attempt to answer the following questions.Can we, and should we, try to prevent suicidal behaviour; howsuccessful are the efforts at suicide prevention of lay andmedical agencies; and what social policies could be employedto prevent suicidal behaviour?     

National pension systems and mass opinion: a case study of confidence, satisfaction and political attitudes in Norway

It is commonly assumed that popular support for national pension systems depends on widespread satisfaction with projected benefit levels among the working age population, and in particular that public support for the system will be jeopardised if the taxpayers do not feel confident about eventually receiving the promised benefits. On the basis of Norwegian survey data, two sets of questions are addressed in the article: (1) Is there a widespread lack of confidence in and satisfaction with the Norwegian National Insurance pension scheme? and (2) Is there an association between confidence and satisfaction and people's political attitudes towards the National Insurance pension scheme? Although we do not find any signs of a dramatic erosion of confidence towards the system, we do find that overall satisfaction with projected benefits is low among the working age population. Contrary to what one might expect, however, confidence and satisfaction from the point of view of individual interests appear not to be associated with a political preference for privatisation.     

从基要主义到恐怖主义全球化时代的宗教政治

1970年代以来全球宗教复兴和宗教政治的发展,是全球化背景下社会运动的一种形式和表现。宗教基要主义和恐怖主义作为一种宗教运动,反映了对主导性的全球化意识形态的反抗,以及对全球化方案的替代性选择。这可以被界定为一种文化政治或认同政治。政治伊斯兰作为当今最突出的宗教基要主义和恐怖主义,一方面反映了全球社会运动和宗教运动的一般特征;另一方面则也是美国霸权和意识形态人为制造的结果。针对亨廷顿的文明冲突论,本文作者认为,当今的宗教与政治冲突更多地是反映了一种不同基要主义之间的冲突,而非不同文明之间的冲突。     

The role of productivity growth and farmers’ income protection policies in the decline of relative farm prices in the United States

The paper emphasizes three interrelated questions about the decline in relative farm to non-farm prices in the United States since 1973: (1) Is it unusual, (2) What caused it, and (3) Is it likely to continue? We find that based on historical and international evidence this phenomenon may be considered unusual. Separating farm price and income support in 1973 and growing relative productivity in agriculture have been the major contributors to changing the trend of the relative farm goods inflation. This trend is likely to continue based on predicted steady growth of relative agricultural productivity and continuation of direct payments and other forms of farm income support policies.     

中国网民的政治价值观与网络抗争行为的限度

中国的市场化转型带来了政治价值观的变化,进而重塑着个体的政治参与行为,其中包括网络抗争行为。由于种种限制,互联网并不必然带来网络抗争,个人的政治价值观是重要的影响因素。基于全国性的概率抽样调查数据,本文首先构造了个人的政治价值观倾向得分,然后用广义倾向值匹配估算了政治价值观对批评政府官员或政策和讨论集体行动这两种网络抗争行为的响应函数和干预效应。结果显示,越趋向自由民主价值观,个人拥有这两种网络抗争经历的概率越高,且呈现强化趋势。但是,这种作用具有阈值效应,即自由民主价值观达到较高水平后,更高的自由民主价值观带来的网络抗争行为的发生概率反而更低。因此,除了来自政府和体制的外在限制,网络抗争还存在着内生于行动者本身的限制。本文通过实证研究证实了政治价值观对网络抗争行为产生的内在限制。     

求助悖论：疾病众筹的社会经济地位差异

依托于移动互联网的疾病众筹平台改变了传统的疾病社会救助体系,疾病救助的发起方从政府和社会公益组织延展至亿万百姓,为社会底层获得紧急救助提供了新途径。本文利用我国某大型疾病众筹平台上1 930个求助案例,探究了疾病众筹目标达成的家庭社会经济地位差异。研究发现,家庭社会经济地位越高的病患,其众筹项目越可能被转发与捐赠、所筹善款总额和目标完成度也更高。中介效应分析表明,线下人际关系网络在上述关系中扮演着重要的中介角色,而以文案质量为代表的文化资本虽有助于众筹成效,但并非连接家庭社会经济地位与众筹效果的中介机制。进一步分析发现,当求助途径从基于熟人关系的微信圈子扩展至公共网络平台后,筹款效果的地位差异得以显著下降。     

理论化与制度精神——由《占有、经营与治理：乡镇企业的三重分析概念》引申的几点思考

《占有、经营与治理：乡镇企业的三重分析概念》一文是近期中国社会学研究中基于中国经验的一种有意义的理论化尝试。研究者以理想型的方法构建了一个多重概念框架,力图呈现和解释作为总体现象的乡镇企业的多维面相和总体意义,揭示其展现出来的改革时代的制度精神。这项研究所呈现出的总体研究视角、概念框架与经验问题的相互作用的方法论取向,不仅体现了研究者所提出的“重返经典社会科学研究”的主张,而且对于推动中国社会学研究的理论化颇具意义。尽管该研究在总体概念框架的论述和对乡镇企业的制度精神的阐发等方面尚显不够,但依然体现了运用适当的经典社会科学概念解释中国经验问题的可能性及其有效性。     

Action as a Text: Gadamer's Hermeneutics and the Social Scientific Analysis of Action

This paper argues that Gadamer's hermeneutics offers a methodological perspective for social and political theory that overcomes the impasse created by the dichotomy between the positivist and humanist approaches to social action. Both the positivists'attempt to replace the actors'subjective concepts with the objective concepts of the social scientist and the humanists'attempt to describe meaningful action strictly in the social actors'terms have been called into question in contemporary discussions. Gadamer's approach, which is based on the hermeneutical method of textual interpretation, offers an alternative to both the positivist and humanist perspectives. Gadamer argues that understanding a text involves the fusing of the conceptual schemes of author and interpreter. Relying on Ricoeur's analysis of the parallels between actions and texts, it is argued that this understanding of the process of textual interpretation can be profitably applied to the analysis of social action. This application, furthermore, provides a means of analyzing social action that transcends the dichotomy between the positivist and humanist approaches. Gadamer's approach legitimizes the imposition of the observer's conceptual scheme without denying the constitutive role of the social actors'concepts.     

How does newspaper coverage of collective action vary?: Protest by Indigenous people in Canada

Newspapers are a widely used source of data about collective action and social movements. In this study, we build upon a growing body of literature that critically assesses the coverage that newspapers provide of protest. We consider coverage in relation to a set of protest events that have yet to be considered in the literature (protest by Indigenous people in Canada); we consider multiple years (1985 and 1995); and finally, we measure coverage differently than has been done in previous studies (multiple articles and type of coverage as opposed to yes/no assessments). Using data on forty-three protest events, covered in seven Canadian newspapers, we find that while some events are covered by a similar number of newspapers, the volume of articles and type of coverage can be very different. We also find that for most newspapers, coverage rates improved over time. Scholars must be careful to assess whether increases in protest are real or merely reflect increases in coverage.     

伦:中国人之思想与社会的共同基础

“伦”字及其含义究竟属中国传统社会思想还是社会构成方式,以及它在中国社会学研究中占有什么地位,存有许多重要而未尽的讨论空间。作者首先梳理了近代以来中国重要思想家及社会学家的见解,尤其是他们对“五伦”的认识,以此廓清“伦”的社会学含义。在此基础之上,作者接着通过与西方社会学中关于自我、角色、社会网络、社会分层及不平等等方面的比较与对话,提出了“伦”自身所包含的意义、公理、相关定理及其现实社会运行与变异。对“伦”之社会学含义的层层解读,有助于明晰中国人与中国社会的基本特质、相应的运行方式及其机制,并形成一种解读中国人与中国社会的新途径。     

Collective Action in Modern Times: How Modern Expressions of Prejudice Prevent Collective Action

This contribution addresses modern forms of group-based discrimination, and examines how these impact upon the likelihood that people engage in collective action. Based on a review of the relevant literature, we predict that modern expressions of prejudice are less likely to be perceived as indicating group-based disadvantage and hence elicit less anger, protest, and collective action than old-fashioned prejudice. We present three studies to offer empirical support for this prediction. In Study 1 ( N = 116), female participants were led to believe that the general public endorses either old-fashioned or modern sexist views. In Study 2 ( N = 44) and 3 ( N = 37) female participants were exposed to a student supervisor who allegedly held either old-fashioned or modern sexist views. Results of all three studies indicate that modern sexism is less likely to be perceived as a form of discrimination, and as a result elicits less anger at the source and less support for collective action (Study 1), intentions to protest (Study 2), and collective protest behavior (Study 3) than old-fashioned sexism. In discussing the results of this research, we connect to current insights on antecedents of collective action, and identify conclusions from our analysis that are relevant for societal and organizational policy making.     

Political Identity: A Perspective from Cultural Identity

Identity is the “sameness” and belonging of identification. In a real sense, cultural identity is often related to ethno-cultural identity, while political identity and national identity are more often inseparable. Cultural identity lays particular stress on the group destiny of a people or ethnic group from which its members cannot withdraw. Political identity, on the other hand, highlights the subjective values and intentions chosen, judged and assessed by the members of society. Since modern times, politics, as the surface of the social structure, has demonstrated increasingly serious conflict and perplexity, and the decline of the political identity has gradually developed into a common social phenomenon. Considering the high complementarity and the mutual stimulation between cultural identity and political identity, we should take cultural identity as the pivot for our entry into the actual practice of community politics, with a view to promoting institutional innovations, making interest adjustments, and intensifying the community members’ sense of belonging. These are exceptionally meaningful for strengthening the political identity of a community.     

THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE NEW ECONOMY

The concept of the ‘new economy’, though increasingly used by the media, policy makers and scholars, remains elusive. Two main definitions (the popular and specialised) may be identified; and the dimensions of the ensuing debate clarified in terms of three key questions: Is there is something qualitatively different about recent trends in the economy? What are the main economic consequences said to result from this new economy? What are the main social consequences? Of particular importance for social policy is that most models of the new economy suggest that it has led to an increase in inequality and social exclusion for those not positioned to take advantage of its supposed benefits. With most discussion focussed on a narrow use of the term — to do with communications technology — greater attention should be given to a broader definition which examines its consequences for the disadvantaged.     

自我组织与遵纪守法：工人依法维权的集体行动策略——以上海SNS企业工人抗争为例

在中国的制度环境下,对于底层工人来说,争取合法权益的同时还要计算在这个过程中的经济成本与政治风险,因此“安全”、“有效”而又“可持续存在”的抗争方式是工人在采取行动时不得不考虑的问题。本文以上海某制造企业工人两次依法维权的行动为例,提出在这种逻辑下工人抗争所采取的“自我组织”与“遵纪守法”的策略,既为抗争提供了组织保障,又提供了行动的合法性。最后,文章将这种抗争策略放在中国宏观社会变迁的背景下进行了讨论。     

SPECIAL ISSUE： NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE COURSE OF GLOBALIZATION Political Identity： A Perspective from Cultural Identity

认同是“同一性”及身份的归属。在现实性上,文化认同往往与民族认同联系在一起,政治认同则与国家认同如影随形。文化认同侧重的是民族成员不可退出的族属命运,政治认同则凸显了社会成员选择和判断的主观意旨。近代以降,悬浮在社会结构表层的政治因时代特征的变化而显现出不断加深的矛盾和困惑,政治认同的现实式微已经成为普遍的社会现象。鉴于文化认同与政治认同之间高度的互补性和相互促进性,以文化认同为支点切入共同体政治的实际,带动制度创新、进行利益调适、强化身份归属,对共同体政治认同的强化格外具有现实意义。     

自杀与现代人的境况——涂尔干的“自杀类型学”及其人性基础

涂尔干在《自杀论》中提出的“自杀类型学”是他对自杀研究做出的一个重要的理论贡献。他通过自杀的社会类型展开的广泛解释和论述,是和其著作中的一些实质问题密切相关的。本文检视了这个类型学的一些关键方面和存在的问题,并结合涂尔干的人性论进行了比较深入的分析,强调了涂尔干社会理论的人性基础;这种分析也表明,涂尔干的自杀类型学是他继《社会分工论》之后对个体与社会关系问题的进一步思考和推进。另外,涂尔干通过对作为社会事实的“自杀潮”的独特的社会病理学分析,深刻揭示了现代人的生存境况。因此,《自杀论》的经典意义在于其将理论图式与时代问题紧密结合起来的研究范式,这充分体现了古典社会理论的本质特征。