Decision-Making Patterns and Contraceptive Use: Evidence from Uganda

Literature on the effect of decision-making patterns on contraceptive use often does not (1) distinguish between women participating in decisions and controlling them, and (2) account for effects of common decision-making patterns within the community. In Uganda where high fertility persists, both of these factors may be relevant to adoption of contraception. We used data from the 1995/96 Negotiating Reproductive Outcomes (NRO) Study which surveyed 1,750 women in 78 communities located in two districts in Uganda. We assessed the effects of individual and community factors on the adoption of modern contraceptive methods using multilevel logistic regression. We included measures of decision-making patterns at both the individual and community levels that distinguished husband-dominated, joint, and wife-dominated decision-making patterns. Contraceptive use is 29% more likely in communities where women more commonly have unilateral control over household decisions. This strong effect of normative decision-making patterns within the community is net of individual education and community education, both of which had strong and significant effects. Less traditional gender roles as measured by normative decision-making patterns seem to support more innovative fertility behavior. Community decision-making patterns matter importantly for contraceptive use in this low contraceptive prevalence setting and need to be assessed elsewhere. Further, women’s influence is inadequately measured where joint decision-making and wife-dominated decision-making are considered together.     

Adding choice to the contraceptive mix: lessons from Indonesia

Researchers asked 1945 women of reproductive age living in East Java, Indonesia what contraceptive method they preferred during the women's 1st visit to a government family planning clinic. Soon after field workers introduced them to a method, the researchers asked the women what method the field workers suggested and what method the women planned to use. They again spoke to them 1 year later to determine contraception continuation. The field workers granted 86.3% of the women their method choice. Only 9% of these women had stopped using their chosen method while 72% of the women who were not allowed to use their chosen method stopped using the method assigned to them. Thus choice was a key factor in sustained use of contraceptives. Further if family planning workers stick to a mutual participation of both themselves and their clients, they respect clients' method choices and, by informing clients about the chosen method, they strengthen clients' decision making. In the early 1990s, another researcher had developed a system to determine contraceptive needs at various stages of the reproductive period (before 1st marriage, after 1st marriage but prior to 1st birth, after 1st birth but prior to last birth, and after last birth). She applied observed contraceptive preferences for women using contraception within each life cycle stage to the age specific contraception need, derived from data from the 1987 Contraceptive Prevalence Survey for Indonesia, to determine the ideal contraceptive mix. Her calculations demonstrated that oral contraceptive use was high, IUD use was low, particularly among older women, and too few sterilizations had occurred, particularly among older women. Thus Indonesia needed to broaden the contraceptive mix to encourage methods that better meet women's reproductive life cycle needs.     

Sex preference and fertility: what is the link?

It is argued that investment in programs for changing attitudes toward sex preference may not have the greatest impact on reducing fertility or increasing fertility control. Arnold's new method of analysis of determining sex preference was applied to data from a 1977 Egyptian survey of 36,000 rural households in Menoufia Governorate. Findings indicated that couples increased their use of modern contraceptives in direct proportion to an increase in the number of sons. Arnold determined that a large majority of all couples would have at least one boy early in their childbearing years. Thus sex preference would not have a large effect on fertility. Arnold's analysis among 27 countries found that without any sex preference, contraceptive usage would increase by an average of less than 3.7 percentage points. Arnold found that sex preference was strongest in Asia, particularly in South Korea and Taiwan that already have reduced fertility levels. In Africa, where fertility is high, the total elimination of sex preference would have only a 2.9 percentage point difference in contraceptive use. Sex preference had small effects on the percent of women who practice contraception, the percent who desire no more children, and the average number of additional children wanted. For example, in Bangladesh having no sex preference would show a percentage difference of 1.6 percentage points for contraceptive use, 4.7 percentage points difference for women desiring no more children, and -0.1 percentage point difference for the average number of additional children wanted. The effect of having no sex preference was strongest in India compared with Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal, the Philippines, Thailand, Ghana, Kenya, Costa Rica, Haiti, Paraguay, and Peru. The effect of no sex preference in India would have the respective percentage point effect of 3.7, 8.9, and -0.2. Public policy should be directed to information, education, and communication with other social goals.     

Dimensions of women’s autonomy and the influence on maternal health care utilization in a north indian city

The dimensions of women's autonomy and their relationship to maternal health care utilization were investigated in a probability sample of 300 women in Varanasi, India. We examined the determinants of women's autonomy in three areas: control over finances, decision-making power, and freedom of movement. After we control for age, education, household structure, and other factors, women with closer ties to natal kin were more likely to have greater autonomy in each of these three areas. Further analyses demonstrated that women with greater freedom of movement obtained higher levels of antenatal care and were more likely to use safe delivery care. The influence of women's autonomy on the use of health care appears to be as important as other known determinants such as education.     

Barriers to contraceptive use among Pakistani couples

Despite the existence of a family planning program in Pakistan since 1965 and widespread knowledge among Pakistanis about contraception, there is a high level of unmet need for family planning. One recent survey found that while 53% of married women express the desire to avoid pregnancy, less than 20% use contraception. A recent Population Council study conducted in urban and rural areas of Punjab province investigated personal beliefs, family circumstances, social norms, and gender relations among 1310 married women and 554 of their husbands. The unmet need for contraception was highest among women over age 30 years, those with more living children, less educated women, and women living in rural areas. The study found that while most Pakistanis approve of family planning, obstacles to contraceptive use exist in most marriages. 97% of respondents who wanted another child wished for a boy. That preference for sons influences contraceptive use behavior. The fear of social disapproval of contraceptive use, perceived opposition from in-laws and husbands, and fear of health side effects and divine punishment were major reasons identified against contraceptive use. Female contraceptive users were more autonomous and likely to make domestic decisions without consulting their husbands, while husbands defer to social and cultural norms.     

Attitudes About Children and Fertility Limitation Behavior

The relationship between attitudes and individual behavior is at the core of virtually all demographic theories of fertility. This paper extends our understanding of fertility behavior by exploring how psychic costs of childbearing and contraceptive use, conceptualized as attitudes about children and contraception, are related to the transition from high fertility and little contraceptive use to lower fertility and wide spread contraceptive use. Using data from rural Nepal, I examine models of the relationship between multiple, setting-specific attitudes about children and contraception and the hazard of contraceptive use to limit childbearing. Specific attitude measures attempt to capture the relative value of children versus consumer goods, the religiously based value of children, and the acceptability of contraceptive use. Findings demonstrate that multiple measures of women’s attitudes about children and contraception were all independently related to their fertility limitation behavior.     

Savings/credit group formation and change in contraception

We examine the characteristics of women who chose to join a women's savings or credit group organized by Save the Children USA in a rural area of Bangladesh, and the impact of participation on contraceptive use. The data are taken from a panel survey conducted in 1993, shortly before the groups were formed, and in 1995 after interventions began. Our findings show that although demographic and socioeconomic characteristics have only a weak relationship to the decision to join a program, the treatment that a woman receives from her husband is associated with participation. We also find evidence that the credit program tends to attract women who are already using contraception. The analysis of program impact on the use of modern contraceptives reveals a positive effect of the credit program, after we adjust for this selectivity; we see no evidence of an effect of participation in a savings group.     

Psychosocial maturity and teenage contraceptive use: An investigation of decision-making and communication skills

The developmental factors influencing teenage women's contraceptive decision-making with first sexual partner are investigated. A discriminant function analysis of results of a study of 17- to 19-year-old women shows the following: Pill users are distinguished from women who have not used any method by having had a longer relationship with their partner, having a more negative attitude towards becoming premaritally pregnant themselves, being older at the time of their sexual debut, engaging in more frequent sexual intercourse, being more trusting of their partner, and perceiving the risks of unprotected pregnancy as greater. Women who are protected by the use of condom are distinguished from women not protected by any method by having had more discussions with male friends about a variety of topics, having better role-taking skills, having a less negative attitude about becoming premaritally pregnant, and having discussed their sexual debut with their partner beforehand. Results are consistent with a conceptualization which distinguishes contraceptive methods on the basis of the psychosocial costs their use incurs for young women.Research supported by Grant #HD09813, National Institute of Child Health & Human Development. Thanks are due to Robin Halliday, Allyson Myhre, and Carolyn Scheve for help in conducing this investigation.     

Culture influences demographic behavior: evidence from India

Delhi migrants from low socioeconomic classes were compared based on their home origins in north or south India. The two groups differed in cultural beliefs, attitudes, and practices, but they lived in the same resettlement colony and had the same physical access to services and opportunities. Retrospective data was collected from a sample of ever-married women and household heads. Longitudinal data was collected on households with at least two living children younger than 12 in visits once every two weeks over a six-month period. Information was obtained on children's eating patterns, activities, illnesses, and the treatment of their illnesses. Households from Tamil Nadu in the south were more modern, had greater female autonomy, and were open to new ideas. Uttar Pradesh women from the north were more traditional, secluded, and restricted in economic activities. The results showed lower fertility, higher levels of contraceptive use, and earlier ends to childbearing among Tamil Nadu women, who had had more exposure to ideas about smaller family size, healthful childrearing practices, and positive attitudes about contraceptive use. For every 100 Tamil Nadu children who died, 111 Uttar Pradesh children died. Health care practices differed between groups; the urban slum environment was conducive to the spread of gastrointestinal infections among Uttar Pradesh girls discouraged from using the public water taps and toilet facilities. Among the Tamil Nadu migrants, girls actually had lower childhood mortality rates than boys. 115 girls died for every 100 boys among the Uttar Pradesh. The reason may be due to the avoidance or delay of outside medical attention until too late. The conclusion was that the status of women, and their exposure to and interaction with the outside world and control over decision making at home, explained the differences between the two groups. Policy implications are to make programs culturally sensitive for example, providing at-home care for women traditionally sheltered from contact with strangers.     

Contraceptive use at first intercourse among Jewish women in Israel, 1962–1988

Using data from the 1987–1988 Study of Fertility and Family Formation,this study examines the family planning practices of Jewish Israeli womenwho first had intercourse between 1962 and 1988. The overwhelming majorityof women reported using no contraception at first intercourse, and among those who did practice birth control approximately half relied on modern techniques. While the likelihood that Israeli women used contraception at first sex changed little between 1962 and 1988, there has been a marked shift towards the adoption of efficient methods of birth control. Moreover, factors which promote female empowerment, including education and military service, have been positively associated with contraceptive use at first intercourse. Among those women who practiced contraception at first intercourse, those from Africa and Asia have been especially likely to make use of inefficient methods such as withdrawal.     

Muslim and Non‐Muslim Differences in Female Autonomy and Fertility: Evidence from Four Asian Countries

On the basis of research on paired Muslim and non‐Muslim communities selected in India, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines, the authors test the hypothesis that greater observed Muslim pronatalism can be explained by less power or lower autonomy among Muslim women. Indeed, wives in the Muslim communities, compared to the non‐Muslim ones: 1) had more children, 2) were more likely to desire additional children, and 3) if they desired no more children, were less likely to be using contraception. However, the authors do not find that Muslim communities consistently score lower on dimensions of women's power/autonomy. Thus, aggregate‐level comparisons provide little evidence of a relationship between lower autonomy and higher fertility. Individual‐level multivariate analysis of married women in these paired settings similarly suggests that women's autonomy differentials do not account for the higher fertility, demand for more children, and less use of contraception among Muslim wives. These results suggest that explanations for Muslim/non‐Muslim fertility differences lie elsewhere.     

A meta-analysis of research on adolescent contraceptive use

Meta-analysis was used to summarize the results of 134 studies of adolescent contraceptive use in relation to two major explanatory models, the career model and the decision model. There was evidence in support of both models, although there has been less research conducted on variables related to the decision model. The major variables found to affect young women's contraceptive use were partner influence to use contraception, acceptance of one's sexuality, future orientation, positive attitudes toward contraception, an exclusive sexual relationship, and frequency of intercourse. The major variables affecting young men's contraceptive use were partner influence, frequency of intercourse, and positive attitudes toward contraception; however, there was relatively little research on young men compared to young women. A number of possible future directions for research are noted.We would like to thank Nancy Adler and Catherine Chilman for their comments on an earlier version of this article. Portions of this research were presented at the 1984 meeting of the American Psychological Association.Requests for reprints should be addressed to Bernard E. Whitley, Jr., Department of Psychological Science, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana, 47306.     

Effects of education on reproductive behavior: lessons from Pakistan

Evidence from the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 1990/91 (PDHS) and a 1987 study by Zeba A. Sathar and Karen Oppenheim on women's fertility in Karachi and the impact of educational status, corroborates the correlation between improved education for women and fertility decline. PDHS revealed that current fertility is 5.4 children/ever married woman by the end of the reproductive period. 12% currently use a contraceptive method compared to 49% in India, 40% in Bangladesh, and 62% in Sri Lanka. The social environment of high illiteracy, low educational attainment, poverty, high infant and child and maternal mortality, son preference, and low status of women leads to high fertility. Fertility rates vary by educational status; i.e., women with no formal education have 2 more children than women with at least some secondary education. Education also affects infant and child mortality and morbidity. Literacy is 31% for women and 43% for men. 30% of all males and 20% of all females have attended primary school. Although most women know at least 1 contraceptive method, it is the urban educated woman who is twice as likely to know a source of supply and 5 times more likely to be a user. The Karachi study found that lower fertility among better educated urban women is an unintended consequence of women's schooling and deliberate effort to limit the number of children they have. Education-related fertility differentials could not be explained by the length of time women are at risk of becoming pregnant (late marriage age). Fertility limitation may be motivated by the predominant involvement in the formal work force and higher income. The policy implications are the increasing female schooling is a good investment in lowering fertility; broader improvements also need to be made in economic opportunities for women, particularly in the formal sector. Other needs are for increasing availability and accessibility of contraceptive and family planning services and increasing availability and accessibility of contraceptive and family planning services and increasing knowledge of contraception. The investment will impact development and demography and is an adjunct to child health an survival.     

New survey finds fertility decline in India

A brief indication was provided of demography, fertility, and contraceptive usage and knowledge based on the recent 1992/93 Indian National Family Health Survey. The sample included 88,562 households and 89,777 ever married women aged 13-49 years in 24 states and the National Capital Territory of Delhi. About 38% of household members were aged under 15 years. The sex ratio was 944 females to 100 males. 54% aged over 5 years were currently married; 10% were widowed, divorced, or separated. 43% were literate and 9% had secondary or higher education: 67% for females in cities and 34% in rural areas. Female literacy was 82% in Kerala but under 30% in Rajasthan, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh. During 1990-92, the crude birth rate was 28.9 per 1000 population. Total fertility was 3.4 for women aged 15-49 years: 3.7 in rural and 2.7 in urban areas. 31% of parents had been sterilized. 26% desired no more children. Only 6% of women with four or more children desired another child. 99% of urban and 95% of rural respondents had knowledge of at least one modern or traditional method. Female and male sterilization were the most well-known modern methods. 47% of women had ever used contraception: 42% with a modern method and 12% with a traditional method. 41% were current users of family planning: 36% with a modern and 4% with a traditional method (45% in urban and 33% in rural areas with a modern method). The highest contraceptive use was in Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Punjab states and Delhi (over 50%). The two most populous states, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, had the lowest rates, which were under 25%; other low usage was in Assam and several small northeastern states. 75% of all female modern contraceptive use was female sterilization. 12% in urban and 3% in rural areas used a modern spacing method. Use increased with increased educational level. Rural sources of supply emphasized public facilities: sterilization and IUDs.     

Female status and fertility behaviour in a Metropolitan Urban area of Bangladesh

The paper examines hypotheses that certain aspects of status of married women such as (i) decision-making power; (ii) employment status and (iii) educational status, are positively associated with use of contraception and inversely related to fertility performance. The study is based on 1,130 women of reproductive age (15-49) who are currently married and living with their husbands and reported to be fecund. The data are drawn from a cross-section of working and non-working women of Dacca City. The hypothesis that each of the above status variables is related to fertility behaviour (measured as current use of contraception and number of children ever-born) is confirmed, with the sole exception of the relationship between female employment status and fertility behaviour. Female participation in the labour force has little or no effect on use of contraception, particularly among those who belong to higher education and income groups. However, in the lower education and income groups, fertility and use of contraception vary with work experience. The findings clearly point out the need to improve the status of women in order to achieve a breakthrough in the use of contraception and a reduction in fertility.     

Why are uneducated women in India using contraception? A multilevel analysis

While women's education continues to be strongly associated with lower fertility in India, an important feature of India's current fertility transition is the spread of contraceptive use among uneducated women. Indeed, changes in their fertility are now making the major contribution to the country's overall fertility decline. We use multilevel statistical procedures to investigate the variation in contraceptive use among uneducated women across India. The analysis suggests that, while many of the expected socio-economic variables play their part, there are also considerable diffusion effects in progress, many of which operate at levels beyond the uneducated women's own individual circumstances. For example, we find significant relationships with others' use of contraception and others' education. Mass media exposure also emerges as an important diffusion channel. The multilevel analysis also reveals significant clustering of contraceptive use at different levels, much of which is accounted for by the variables included in the models.     

Secrecy and silence: why women hide contraceptive use

A recent Population Council survey of 1860 married women and 1056 of their husbands in urban Zambia found that many women who use contraception do so without their husbands' knowledge and that those women who hid their practice of contraception from their husbands did so because they found it very difficult to bring up the subject of family planning with them. These findings indicate that low levels of contraceptive use are not the result of a simple communication matter. Sex and sexuality are often the exclusive domain of African husbands. As such, if a wife initiates a discussion of family planning, she may threaten her husband's sense of control and create discord within the family. The culture of silence about sex and sexuality is very strong in Africa. 57% of women stated that were they to propose contraceptive use with their husbands and the husband opposed such practice, they would nonetheless use them without his knowledge. 7% of the women stated that if their husbands disapproved of contraceptive use, they would nonetheless openly use a method against his wishes. The majority of women correctly perceived their husbands' views on family planning use and fertility preferences. In focus groups, both men and women said that they did not believe that women have the right to independently act upon their reproductive preferences. A husband's inadequate financial support of his children could, however, justify clandestine contraceptive use. These findings point to the need to include easily hidden methods in the mix of contraceptives family planning programs offer. Moreover, service providers should not automatically encourage husbands' involvement. A client's right to privacy should always be respected.     

Contraception provision in the postpartum period: Knowledge,views and practices of midwives

BackgroundWomen are susceptible to unintended pregnancies in the first year after giving birth, particularly as consideration of contraception may be a low priority during this time. Discussing and providing contraception before women leave hospital after giving birth may prevent rapid repeat pregnancy and its associated risks. Midwives are well placed to assist with contraceptive decision-making and provision; however, this is not routinely undertaken by midwives in the Australian hospital setting and little is known regarding their views and experiences in relation to contraception.MethodsAn anonymous survey was conducted with midwives at two urban hospitals in New South Wales to better understand their contraceptive knowledge, views and practices regarding midwifery-led contraception provision in the postpartum period.FindingsThe survey was completed by 128 midwives. Most agreed that information about contraception provided in the postpartum period is valuable to women, although their knowledge about different methods was variable. The majority (88%) believed that midwives have a role in providing contraceptive information, and 79% reported currently providing contraceptive counselling. However, only 14% had received formal training in this area.ConclusionFindings demonstrate that most midwives provide some contraception information and believe this is an important part of a midwife’s role. Yet most have not undertaken formal training in contraception. Additional research is needed to explore the content and quality of midwives’ contraception discussions with women. Training midwives in contraceptive counselling would ensure women receive accurate information about available options. Upskilling midwives in contraception provision may increase postpartum uptake and reduce rapid repeat pregnancies.     

Family planning practice and women's fertility decision-making power

This paper investigates the effects of family planning practice on fertility decision-making power in South Korea. The log-linear analysis of the 1981 survey data by the Institute of Population and Health Services Research, Yonsei University, Seoul, Korea, shows that those urban and rural women who practice family planning or have experienced abortion exercise greater influence on a couple's fertility decision making than those who do not practice family planning or who have had no abortion experience. In addition, there is the interactive effect of abortion experience and contraceptive use on fertility decision making among urban women. This finding is significant because regardless of how birth control is available within a society, birth control use enhances women's decision making power where fertility is concerned.