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1.
Two experiments using Asian American university student participants examined the distinctive characteristics of responses to racist hate speech relative to responses to other forms of offense. The studies varied the target of insulting speech (Asian, African, and Overweight person) or the nature of offence (petty theft vs. insulting speech). Participant variables included collective self-esteem and social identification. Results indicate that hate speech directed at ethnic targets deserves more severe punishment than other forms of offensive speech and petty theft. Hate speech also results in more extreme emotional responses and, in the case of an Asian target, has a depressing influence on collective self-esteem. Ethnic identification moderated punishment responses in study 1 only. The theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.  相似文献   

2.
Freedom of speech and equality are two basic values in American culture that cause a value conflict with regard to hate speech. This study examined the effects of priming of values of freedom of speech and equal protection (equality) on perceptions of and attitudes toward hate speech and value prioritization. Data were collected from 159 college students. Priming of freedom of speech directed participants' attitudes and values toward advocating freedom of speech, whereas priming for equal protection directed attitudes and values toward the harm of hate speech. Participants primed for free speech viewed hate speech (introduced via scenarios) as less harmful and the speaker as less accountable than those primed for the harm of hate speech and a control group.  相似文献   

3.
This study examines how people experience hate speech. Specifically, it assesses people's perceptions regarding both the antecedents and outcomes of such expression targeted at Jews and homosexuals. One hundred twenty university students read (and in some cases also supplied) real-life epithets aimed at their social identity and then provided an assessment of their (a) perceived short- and long-term consequences, (b) understanding of the motive behind the message, (c) response to the sender, and (d) response to the message in terms of soliciting social support. A content analysis of the accounts produced the following patterns: (a) short- and long-term consequences mirrored a three-stage sequence found within other traumatic experiences; (b) respondents described motives as enduring, not situational, states; (c) the most common response strategies were passive; and (d) participants often sought support. The discussion focuses on implications for interventions that may mitigate negative consequences of hate speech.  相似文献   

4.
Hate crime laws are a highly controversial legal approach in society's response to intergroup violence. Argument acceptance, knowledge, and individual differences were examined in relationship to attitudes about these laws. These variables were also considered in terms of efforts to influence a peer's beliefs about hate crime laws. One-hundred and sixty-seven participants completed a measure of knowledge of human rights laws, Gough's Pr scale, the Selznick and Steinberg anti-Semitism scale, and Cuellar's Machismo scale. Hate crime attitudes were measured on an affect rating scale and six statements reflecting arguments favoring and opposing hate crime laws. Peer influence was examined on Interpersonal Power Inventory (IPI). Results showed that while most participants endorsed positive attitudes about hate crime laws, men—and both women and men who endorsed machismo attitudes—were more likely to agree with media distortion and identity politics arguments opposing hate crime laws. The Pr and machismo scales predicted greater effort on the IPI to influence peer attitudes about hate crime laws, after controlling for demographic differences of the participants. These findings indicate that more explicitly biased individuals were more effortful in trying to change the attitudes of peers concerning the legitimacy of hate crime laws.  相似文献   

5.
In 2017 the Australian Government undertook a national survey to determine public support for the legalisation of same‐sex marriage. This raised concerns the ‘plebiscitary' act may create harms to two groups: LGBTI people and those religious people with strong attachment to heteronormative marriage. Justifying the process, the Government advanced the possibility of civil dialogue generative of understanding. While instances of hate speech in public spaces were reported, this paper examines comparatively private speech during the period. Based on an analysis of posts to relevant Facebook pages, this analysis found opponents to same‐sex marriage were more highly mobilised online, and considerable differences in the character of online debate for and against the proposed changes. Importantly, while uncivil and ‘hate' speech were part of online conversations, the overall quantum of this uncivil discourse was lower than many feared. Additionally, the process did not generate considerable democratic dialogue around policy alternatives and rationales, particularly among ‘Yes' campaign supporters who were more homogenous in their acceptance of dominant campaign framing of the issue than their opponents. Significantly for ongoing public debates about public values like educational access and freedom of expression, opponents to change focused their arguments against same‐sex marriage around a subset of unrelated issues: free speech, religious freedoms, and diversity in public schools.  相似文献   

6.
Sources indicate a rise in hate crimes committed by persons affiliated with hate groups (Bowles, 1993; Levin, 2002). Although the majority of these offenders remain unaffiliated, it is nevertheless important to understand why individuals become attracted to hate groups. This exploratory study examined youth attitudes toward hate groups. Deprivation and interpersonal bonds theories were used to explain hate group attraction among students. Secondary and university students completed the 567 surveys used in the analysis. Results indicated that crime-related measures and exposure to hate groups by word-of-mouth contacts were more often related to supportive attitudes. These effects were further associated with secondary students. Neodeprivation theory is offered for exploring hate group attraction by more educated persons.  相似文献   

7.
This article provides an overview of the context and content of this issue devoted to hate crime. Working definitions of hate crime and hate speech are situated within the broader context of intergroup relations, prejudice, aggression, and law and social policy. Theory and research from social psychology, criminology, and legal studies are utilized to describe this context. We present summaries of the multidisciplinary contributions to this issue and note how these articles emphasize the origins of hate crime, the harm that it creates, and victims' and society's response to hate crime. They also highlight tensions between the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. Finally, we note the interrelationships among these contributions and discuss the policy implications that arise from their analyses.  相似文献   

8.
Hate crime creates significant problems for individual victims and the social fabric of a community more broadly. Victimisation is most likely to occur around the victim's own neighbourhood, yet few studies examine how the neighbourhood context influences hate crime. This study uses data from the Australian Community Capacity Study involving 4,400 participants in 148 neighbourhoods in Brisbane. It examines whether it is characteristics of place (such as attitudes toward diversity, place attachment and social cohesion) that reduce hate crime, or whether it is interactions with fellow residents (such as frequency of neighbourly exchanges, number of friends, and number of acquaintances in the neighbourhood) that shelter residents from hate crime. Results demonstrate that characteristics of a place provide important protective factors against hate crime in the neighbourhood, rather than the number of social‐interactions between residents.  相似文献   

9.
Objectives . The study of crime directed at gay and lesbian targets is hampered by two measurement problems: Police agencies provide unreliable data on hate crime, and tract-level census data contain no direct information about gay or lesbian population density. This article attempts to gauge two quantities that cannot be measured directly or unambiguously: the size of the gay and lesbian populations and the number of hate crimes directed at gay and lesbian targets. Methods . Population data for New York City were gathered from market research lists and from a special tabulation of the 1990 Census. Hate crime data were obtained from the Anti-Violence Project and the New York Police Department. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess the reliability of each measure and the correlation between latent population density and hate crime. Results . Each of these measures offers a reliable means by which to assess cross-sectional differences in the population density and victimization of gay men. Census and police data prove to be inferior indicators of lesbian population density and antilesbian hate crime. For both men and women, population density is strongly correlated with the incidence of hate crime. Conclusions . Despite the fact that advocacy groups record many more antigay incidents than do the police, both sources of data are in agreement about where hate crimes occur. The strong correlation between population density and hate crime against gay men implies that Census data could be used to forecast the occurrence of hate crime in areas where no police records exist.  相似文献   

10.
The article places Chicago's "ugly" law—an 1881 municipal ordinance that fined "any person who is diseased, maimed, mutilated or in any way deformed so as to be an unsightly or disgusting object" for appearing in public—within the context of late nineteenth-century imaginings of disability. Drawing on the framework of disability studies, this paper demonstrates that nineteenth-century understandings of disability had little to do with the impairments of individuals but instead were tied to the status of the person with the disability. Examining the role of disabled people as workers, as bodies and as charity recipients reveals the hierarchies of disability in late nineteenth-century Chicago and demonstrates who the ugly law intended to restrict and, just as importantly, who it did not. While the law appears to be a blanket indictment of all physically disabled people, multiple sources indicate that the public expected disabled veterans, workers, and freak show performers to occupy the public realm; they therefore cannot be the intended objects of the ordinance. Instead, Chicago's ugly law was one of many pieces of legislation enacted in the wake of the panic of 1873 that attempted to eradicate street begging in general by specifically targeting beggars with disabilities.  相似文献   

11.
Hate Online: A Content Analysis of Extremist Internet Sites   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Extremists, such as hate groups espousing racial supremacy or separation, have established an online presence. A content analysis of 157 extremist web sites selected through purposive sampling was conducted using two raters per site. The sample represented a variety of extremist groups and included both organized groups and sites maintained by apparently unaffiliated individuals. Among the findings were that the majority of sites contained external links to other extremist sites (including international sites), that roughly half the sites included multimedia content, and that half contained racist symbols. A third of the sites disavowed racism or hatred, yet one third contained material from supremacist literature. A small percentage of sites specifically urged violence. These and other findings suggest that the Internet may be an especially powerful tool for extremists as a means of reaching an international audience, recruiting members, linking diverse extremist groups, and allowing maximum image control.  相似文献   

12.
Caregivers of persons with AIDS experience numerous stressors in their caregiver role and could benefit from support groups. However, caregiving responsibilities make it difficult for many to attend face-to-face groups. This article describes experience with a telephone support group pilot project for this population. The time-limited, semi-structured groups used conference call technology; the eight session group protocol war designed to meet caregiver needs for information about resources and coping skills. Pilot data from interviews with group members from the first two completed groups on this project indicated that participants valued the group experience highly.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

In the fall of 2006, a self-administered Internet survey was made available to all kinship care group facilitators listed in the 2006 New York State Office for the Aging's directory for kinship care providers. The survey sought facilitators' views on the purpose and structural aspects of the groups and to understand whether and how mutual aid processes were occurring. A purposive sample of 16 participants (53% response rate) completed the online quantitative survey that included space for qualitative comments. Findings revealed that 75% of participants facilitated a kinship care group in the past 5 years, and they believed their group purposes primarily included support and growth. Additionally, participants reported that all mutual aid principles occurred in their groups, with the supportive mutual aid interventions occurring more frequently than the challenging ones. Finally, themes from open-ended responses included 1) an enhanced sense of solidarity developed among group members, 2) the importance of facilitators' show of compassion for group members, and 3) facilitators' need to have a working knowledge of and ability to maximize available resources. Implications for serving the needs of kinship care providers through groups and other practices are addressed.  相似文献   

14.
A series of informal discussions were held with fifteen Sydney men who regularly participate in drinking groups. These discussions were used to ascertain what rules if any were adhered to by the members of such groups. It was possible to devise five distinct unspoken rules of shouting which were said to be operant in most Australian drinking groups. A further 35 drinking group participants were then asked independently to assess the rules in the light of their personal experience. A general confirmation of the five unspoken rules of shouting behaviour was obtained. A series of unobtrusive observations in the public bars of some inner city Sydney hotels was then undertaken. One hundred and twenty-four participants in 38 drinking groups were observed. Certain aspects of the shouting behaviour, drinking rates and relevant items of conversation were noted. It was observed that the five unspoken rules of shouting disclosed by the earlier interviews and discussions were strictly adhered to. Furthermore, each group member tended to conform to patterns of behaviour and rates of drinking that were consistent with the rest of his drinking group.  相似文献   

15.
The subjective responses associated with personal life space and mobility status were explored. Thirty individuals participated in focus groups based on self-rated disability status, current places visited, and availability. Qualitative analyses revealed that most participants equated personal mobility with driving a vehicle. Attitudes concerning mobility status and preparedness for change varied based on disability level and personal experience. Fear of dependence from future mobility loss was prominent in all groups. Few participants acknowledged significant planning for future retirement from driving or other mobility challenges. An understanding of common attitudes, perceptions and meanings can inform professionals who intervene and support older adults experiencing mobility changes.  相似文献   

16.
The subjective responses associated with personal life space and mobility status were explored. Thirty individuals participated in focus groups based on self-rated disability status, current places visited, and availability. Qualitative analyses revealed that most participants equated personal mobility with driving a vehicle. Attitudes concerning mobility status and preparedness for change varied based on disability level and personal experience. Fear of dependence from future mobility loss was prominent in all groups. Few participants acknowledged significant planning for future retirement from driving or other mobility challenges. An understanding of common attitudes, perceptions and meanings can inform professionals who intervene and support older adults experiencing mobility changes.  相似文献   

17.
陈华珊 《社会》2015,35(5):101-121
对互联网技术的使用是否会增进公民的社区参与一直是一个具有争议性的问题,对于网络社区在其中如何发挥作用的相关研究却寥寥无几。本文利用大数据,采用一个案例,从社会网络分析的视角对此进行研究。通过区分不同性质的讨论网后发现,网络社区对业主的网络公民参与存在正效应,不同议题的讨论网关系可以相互转化,从而促进网络参与。  相似文献   

18.
We examine how the content of actors' speech and the frequency with which they make contributions affect the emergence and legitimation of inequality in task groups. Previous research has focused on classifying acts, the smallest meaningful units of speech, such as providing opportunities to others to speak, making task relevant suggestions, and positively or negatively evaluating the contributions of others. We also employ a classification scheme based on the cognitive complexity of spoken language in the turn. This scheme is based on an interpretation of the cognitive development model posited by Piaget. In addition to the complexity of language, we analyze speech group members employ to organize to solve the task. These classifications rely on the entire content of the turn rather than the more atomistic act. Data analyzed are from 33 groups of students performing different types of tasks. We employ structural equation models to identify how acts and content are related to one another in the observed interaction patterns in groups. Applications of these insights are explored in the discussion.  相似文献   

19.
Criminal laws that punish discriminatory "hate crime" offenses relating to race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, and other status characteristics trace their roots back to the nation's founding. Unlike today, in early America, status distinctions in law, particularly racial ones, were intended to restrict the exercise of civil rights. Today's hate crime laws are the refined modern progeny of an important class of remedial post–Civil War laws and constitutional amendments. Although the Supreme Court has vigorously upheld enhanced punishment for hate crimes over the last decade, it has also established restrictions on the government's authority to punish bigoted conduct and expression. This article examines, through an analysis of historic cases, laws, and constitutional changes, the legal evolution that culminated in the passage of modern hate crime laws.  相似文献   

20.
Individuals experience solo status when they are the only members of their social category (e.g., gender or race) present in an otherwise homogenous group. Field studies and surveys indicate that members of socially disadvantaged groups, such as women and racial minorities, have more negative experiences as solos than do members of privileged groups, such as Whites and males (Kanter, 1977; Niemann & Dovidio, 1998). In this article, we review research showing that the public performance of women and African-Americans is more debilitated by solo status than that of Whites and males. We also show that this effect is exacerbated when negative stereotypes about the performer's social group seem relevant to their performance, and we discuss the contributing roles of lowered performance expectancies and feelings of group representativeness. We discuss how findings from social psychological research can be applied towards the goal of reducing the decrements typically associated with being the only member, or one of few members, of one's race and/or gender in the environment.  相似文献   

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