埃及“7·3”事件后美国对埃援助政策研究

埃及被认为是美国在中东地区和阿拉伯世界最坚定的盟友。美国自1979年埃及与以色列签署和平协议以来,每年向埃及提供大量的军事与经济援助。2013年7月3日,埃及民选总统穆罕默德·穆尔西被埃及军队废黜。根据联邦法律,美国暂停对埃及的部分援助。本文从“7·3”事件后美国对埃及援助的变化及其特点、影响援助变化的主要原因进行分析,展现美国对埃及援助政策中的复杂利益和战略考量,根据对历史与现实的分析,预测美国今后对埃援助政策的走势。     

Psychology in the Arab World: Past, Present, and Future

In this article, we present a broad-based view of psychology in the Arab countries. We begin by casting light on the relevant contributions by ancient Arab scholars in the Middle Ages. Given that systematic scientific investigation of this legacy has been minuscule, we argue that in the future, scholars seeking to provide a more balanced and comprehensive history of Arab psychology should reanalyze these works. We point out that in the early decades of the modern twentieth century, Western psychology was introduced in the Arab countries, especially in Egypt—the gateway through which such psychology was introduced and practiced. By the early 1960s, a number of universities had been established in some Arab countries, and Egyptian academicians, including psychologists, were invited to perform teaching, research, and administration tasks. Their legacy was a discipline bearing most of the strengths and weaknesses of Egyptian psychology, although in spite of such commonalties, there exist also some interesting differences characterizing psychology in the various Arab countries. The final section of the article summarizes some key aspects endemic to psychology in the Arab countries.     

The role of emotions during the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in light of repertoires

ABSTRACT

This article examines the role of emotions during the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in the context of collective level emotions in mobilizations. Emotions are understood as a catalyst whose mechanism of action is performed through repertories. This article seeks to answer how emotions, having a triggering role, are performed through repertoires while accelerating mobilization against authoritarian orders, creating the intersection of individual and collective level emotions in public spheres of Tunisia and Egypt, and thus affecting the transnational diffusion of emotions. The significant reason to address emotions is to explain what stimulated the Arab Spring and how it spread over the region starting from Tunisia and Egypt. This article synthesizes two literatures: International Relations (IR) and social movements studies in light of emotions and components of repertoires which are as follows: collective action, collective identity, symbolic politics, network society and information politics.     

中产阶级与埃及政局变化

本文认为,2011年埃及变局主要归因于中产阶级的民生问题。萨达特—穆巴拉克的政策以及各种外力导致了埃及社会结构的扭曲,引发中产阶级的政治地位下降、经济能力减弱、生活困难加剧,使中产阶级由社会的引领者变为政权的抗争者,最终颠覆了穆巴拉克政权。本文分析了中产阶级与这一社会变化之间的逻辑关系后强调,2011年埃及变局将有利于中产阶级的重新崛起与社会结构的合理发展。     

“泛阿拉伯主义”在美国媒体的“帝国”意象

20世纪上半叶,面对阿拉伯人的统一诉求,有相当一部分人通过美国媒体,结合西方世界对伊斯兰教的刻板印象,将“泛阿拉伯主义”附会到中世纪的“阿拉伯帝国”,进而视其为西方文明的对立面。纳赛尔掌权后,美国媒体出于对埃及亲苏外交的敌视,纷纷指责埃及政府试图仰仗苏联支持,建立“阿拉伯帝国”。随着埃及(阿联)与苏联之间矛盾的加剧,美国舆论界仍继续敌视纳赛尔的“泛阿拉伯主义”,认为纳赛尔建立“阿拉伯帝国”的“野心”虽然导致其与苏联的纷争,但仍是西方的威胁。美国人对纳赛尔的敌视,虽然伴有强烈的冷战心态,但他们频繁以“阿拉伯帝国”或“穆斯林帝国”的历史意象,比附纳赛尔的“泛阿拉伯主义”实践,实际上是对“东西对立”叙事模式的延续,反映出西方世界长久以来对“伊斯兰征服”的历史记忆,并连带着对中东地区整合倾向的担忧。     

埃及高等教育所面临的挑战及应对之策

埃及是阿拉伯世界高等教育比较发达的国家，相继培养出多位诺贝尔奖获得者。20世纪八十年代中后期，在埃及较早进入高等教育大众化阶段的同时，其高等教育系统也面临着许多严重的问题与挑战，如高等教育中央集权管理体制与大学自治的矛盾，以世俗教育和宗教教育为中心的双轨教育体制所带来的不平等和混乱等。针对其高等教育的历史与现状，埃及政府坚持实施教育兴国的现代化发展战略，积极探索应对之道，努力摆脱困境。但如何使教育和经济社会协调发展，依然是摆在埃及政府面前的一道难题。     

The use of political motherhood in Egypt’s Arab Spring uprising and aftermath

ABSTRACT

Political motherhood, which uses traditional motherhood to mobilize and sustain women’s political participation, is understudied in political science. Women played a significant role in Egypt’s Arab Spring and its aftermath by “bargaining with patriarchy” and strategically using traditional motherhood to access the political sphere. In this article, we develop a theoretical argument based on the work of Gentry, Carreon and Moghadam and Amar. We illustrate it with examples drawn from news articles on women’s political activism and social media posts by Egyptian activists. Our argument explores how women’s agency and the larger political context in which women operate reveals how political motherhood takes the particular shape that it does. In the context of Egypt, we examine how the state’s choice to highlight women as “hypervisible” citizens, worthy of protection, backfired. Through a bottom-up political motherhood, women used their respectability as mothers in need of state protection against the state, thereby legitimizing anti-Mubarak and anti-Muslim Brotherhood demonstrations and challenging these governments.     

埃及与新中国建交始末

新中国重视发展与阿拉伯国家的友好合作关系。埃及爆发“七月革命”后，纳赛尔上台执政。纳赛尔领导的埃及捍卫国家主权，维护民族利益，与西方大国矛盾日益尖锐。1955年召开的万隆会议加深了埃及对新中国的了解，并推动了两国关系的发展。经过多方努力，埃及与新中国终于建立了外交关系。     

What's Going on? Making Sense of the Role of the Media in the Arab Uprisings

The article reviews recent scholarship on the role of the media in the Arab uprisings. After a summary of events, it sets out the debate between researchers who attribute a central and significant role to social media in the mobilizations that spread from Tunisia to Egypt and beyond in early 2011, and those who are more sceptical of such ‘techno‐enthusiasm’. Different theoretical perspectives on the media and protest are then presented, followed by an overview of empirical approaches to the topic. It is argued that the impact of social media must be viewed in relation to how they fit into wider media ecologies and social and political structures.     

Orienting Social Workers to the Disability Movement in Egypt: Implications for Practice

As the literature on the disability movement in Africa is quite limited, this paper sheds some light on its current status in one particular African country: Egypt. Due to its history and location within North Africa, Egypt's culture is a mixture of Middle Eastern/Arab and indigenous African elements and influences. The following literature-based overview is designed to highlight such issues as societal attitudes, disability laws, and governmental control and management in the context of a service delivery system designed for disabled people. In conclusion, implications for social work practice are mentioned, and some recommendations to close the existing service gaps are suggested.     

埃及与穆斯林兄弟会

埃及穆斯林兄弟会在其80余年的发展历程中几经沉浮,现已成为当前埃及境内最有影响的政治力量,并将对后穆巴拉克时代埃及的政局走向、社会转型产生巨大影响.对穆斯林兄弟会的研究不能囿于惯性思维而将其视为“激进组织”,应以历史唯物主义的观点和方法,还原其历史真相,特别是要看到该组织在发展过程中曾经有过对自身“激进思想”的修正,从而对它有更加全面、公正的认识.     

埃及高等教育所面临的挑战及应对之策

埃及是阿拉伯世界高等教育比较发达的国家,相继培养出多位诺贝尔奖获得者.20世纪八十年代中后期,在埃及较早进入高等教育大众化阶段的同时,其高等教育系统也面临着许多严重的问题与挑战,如高等教育中央集权管理体制与大学自治的矛盾,以世俗教育和宗教教育为中心的双轨教育体制所带来的不平等和混乱等.针对其高等教育的历史与现状,埃及政府坚持实施教育兴国的现代化发展战略,积极探索应对之道,努力摆脱困境.但如何使教育和经济社会协调发展,依然是摆在埃及政府面前的一道难题.     

Historical trajectories and lost heritage of early Chinese schools in Singapore – case study of Yeung Ching School in ‘Chinatown’

ABSTRACT

The history of modern Chinese schools in Singapore may be traced back to the early 20th century, when efforts to provide vernacular education in the British colony were made by community leaders across Chinese dialect groups, with support of the Qing Empire. Only a handful of these were selected as elite schools for bilingual education under the Special Assistance Plan (SAP) introduced in 1979 in independent Singapore. This paper examines the historical trajectories of these early schools from early association with Chinese nationalism to becoming multi-ethnic schools or simply defunct. It will focus on the case of the former Yeung Ching School in ‘Chinatown’ catering to the Cantonese community, to explore how the legacy of a Chinese school may be impacted by state formation and urban development since the 1950s, and also to point out a gap in current heritagisation pertaining to the role of education in shaping cultural identities.     

The Place of Africa,in Theory: Pan-Africanism,Postcolonialism, Beyond

Twentieth-century African theory translated two destructive diasporas – of peoples by the slave trade, of lands by empire – into a creative third: a pan-Africanist philosophy of decolonization that recovered Africa's pluralism as a powerfully “diasporic” defiance of imperial taxonomies. Comparing a 1967 lecture given in Cairo by Senegalese poet-president Léopold Sédar Senghor with a 1955 treatise on the philosophy of revolution by Egyptian president Gamal Abdul Nasser (Jamal ^cAbd al-Nasir), and both with Achille Mbembe's 2001 On the Postcolony, this essay shows how Senghor marshals race/culture hybridities, Nasser historical/geographic alignments, and Mbembe temporal entanglements to deconstruct monolithic constructions of “Arab”, “Black”, and “African” being, space, and time – and to pluralize and “world” a continent. It argues that the logics of trans-territoriality and trans-temporality that informed Third World solidarity in the 1950s–1970s represent a forgotten legacy of pan-Africanism to postcolonialism and to global theory generally. Africa's place, in theory, decenters Eurocentrism.     

当前阿拉伯革命态势分析

阿拉伯世界自2011年以来发生持续动荡，埃及、突尼斯、利比亚、叙利亚先后出现政局动荡甚至政局颠覆。当前阿拉伯世界的各种力量之间相互博弈，这将长期左右阿拉伯世界的政局。伊斯兰政治势力不断壮大，其极端思想及行为是阿拉伯世界政局动荡的重要影响力量，阿拉伯世界的青年人对政局不满，不断爆发大规模示威游行，处于边缘地位的工人阶级、世俗主义者与非政治民众对当前局势的态度也影响着阿拉伯地区的稳定。     

Challenging the Republic from the Provinces: An Analysis of Crowd Action after the French Separation Law (1905)

Abstract

The Separation Law of 1905 is widely considered a defining moment in modern French political culture and an enduring legacy of the Third Republic. Whereas scholars have mostly concentrated on the political and intellectual genesis of the law, this article asks how ‘ordinary Catholics’ reacted to separation. It concentrates on crowd action in response to the so-called inventories of 1906, during which State officials audited all property that the Church either possessed or of which it had rights of use. By analysing the forms, motives and legitimation strategies underlying popular resistance against the inventories in Brittany, this article highlights the importance of space for structuring protest and violence in early twentieth-century France. It argues, first, that crowd action heavily drew on concepts of homeland, alternately understood as the local commune, the Breton region or the international community of Catholic believers. Secondly, the article demonstrates that these protests targeted the Republic itself and not, as had been the case during the 1890s and the post-1907 period, individual republicans. Finally, by analysing how crowd action sought to defend the homeland against the encroaching power of a State poised for change, the article reveals the persistence of reactive protest in post-1848 France.     

The frustrated generation youth exclusion in Arab Mediterranean societies

In Arab Mediterranean countries (AMCs), insecurities and a lack of opportunities have continuously kept young people from becoming independent and being full, active, and integrated members of society; a process commonly referred to as social exclusion. This paper explores the driving factors of youth exclusion in Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, and Tunisia. It is argued that not only the extent but also the structure of social exclusion varies across countries. Based on the social exclusion framework developed by the UNDP [2011. Beyond Transition – Towards Inclusive Societies. Bratislava: United Nations Development Programme], we construct a social exclusion index that takes economic, social, and political factors into account. The results obtained indicate that the share of young people suffering from social exclusion is highest in Tunisia (46.7%), followed by Algeria (43.4%), Egypt (42.1%), and Lebanon (33.2%). In contrast to the prevailing assumptions on social exclusion, we find that economic exclusion does in fact play a minor role. The strongest driver of youth exclusion in all Arab Mediterranean countries is the exclusion from social and political life.     

The Palestinian minority in Israel: when common core curriculum in education meets conflicting national narratives

This paper starts with a brief survey of how the Israeli education system has handled the issue of the existence of an Arab community in Israel’s collective identity, and how this was affected by reforms that were initiated in the education system throughout the years. The second part of the paper examines various possibilities regarding how the inclusion of the Arab collective identity can best be accommodated in the education system and its curricula.     

2010～2011年突尼斯变革:起因与现状

2010年12月17日,突尼斯"茉莉花革命"爆发后,总统本.阿里带家人离境,飞抵沙特阿拉伯,结束了其长达23年的统治。随后,在突尼斯变革的"雪球效应"的影响下,埃及、利比亚、也门、叙利亚以及其他阿拉伯国家相继发生了反政府的变革。本文着重探讨导致2010～2011年突尼斯变革的内外原因,阐述变革后突尼斯的政局现状并展望其未来走向。     

面向未来的埃及教育改革

埃及实行免费教育体制,长期和持续的国家投入保证了教育在大众中间的普及,使埃及教育长期在阿拉伯国家和非洲地区处于领先地位。但随着全球化的日益深入以及埃及国内经济形势的变化,单纯依靠政府投入越来越不能满足人民群众对高质量教育服务的需求。埃及教育主管部门根据形势发展的迫切要求,一方面大力推进教育体制改革,力行非中央化的政策,在教育投入和管理上,加大社会力量参与的力度,加强了教育基础设施建设,提高了教师待遇;另一方面用先进的信息技术手段改造传统教育模式,并在教学过程中引入问责制度,保证教育质量不断提高,使其更好地服务于社会经济的发展。