Migration,Productive Return and Human Capital: Lessons from the new Governmental Policy on Migration in Ecuador

In 2008, the Government of Ecuador initiated a programme for productive return dubbed the Cucayo Fund, aimed at financing small businesses for migrants who were returning to the country. This programme has been a cornerstone in the new governmental policy on migration. In 2015, the IOM considered it an exemplary practice among the instruments enabling the economic and social reinsertion of returning migrants. In this article, based on the mining and analysis of the implementation data from the Cucayo Fund in the three provinces comprising Administrative Region No 7, we specifically examine the incidence of human capital accumulated by the migrants in the success of their ventures. Our results show that the experience and knowledge attained by the migrants abroad, and transfer of these to new activities, play a key and relevant role in the financed ventures and that, therefore, human capital must be incorporated with greater emphasis into debates on return.     

Reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin

This research note briefly outlines International Labour Organization concerns about return migration in developing countries, research being done in the field, and activities in related fields. Attention is being focused on the following topics and areas of study: 1) recommendations and conventions which cover workers generally and migrant workers particularly; 2) measures to avoid the departure of skilled workers from developing countries; 3) special problems encountered in improving migrant professionals' working conditions; 4) developing a central pool of information on labor markets and employment at the international level; 5) bilateral or multilateral migration agreements to optimize the flows of health personnel, scientific workers, engineers, and high level technicians, protecting their rights, and facilitating their reintegration into the country of origin; 6) creating a compensation scheme for skill outflows and training substitutes to fill the gaps left behind by migration; 7) classifying migratory policies adopted by developing countries; 8) reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin; 9) transfer of know-how through expatriate nationals; 10) labor reinsertion patterns of migrants returning to Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain; 11) Socioeconomic reintegration of migrants returning to Pakistan and Uruguay; and 12) Sri Lanka's experience with self-employment schemes for returned migrants.     

Distance,Transnational Arrangements,and Return Decisions of Senegalese,Ghanaian, and Congolese Migrants

This article examines the determinants of return of Senegalese, Ghanaian and Congolese migrants in Europe, and the extent to which their return decisions were linked to reasons and circumstances of their initial migration to Europe. We utilize the retrospective life history data collected by the MAFE Project in Senegal, Ghana and DR Congo and six European countries in order to understand whether and how changing conditions in both origin and destination countries, including policies, affect the migration dynamics between Sub‐Saharan Africa and Europe. The results show how the high cost entailed by this type of transcontinental long distance migration, reinforced by restrictive immigration policies, tend to delay and reduce return in comparison to shorter‐distance moves. In addition, brain circulation and transnational family arrangements seem to be at work and seriously question the dominant approach to admission and circulation policies in Europe.     

A socio-economic survey of Malian,Mauritanian and Senegalese immigrants resident in France

A socioeconomic survey of migrants from Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal who are residing in France is presented. The data are from the official statistics of the four countries concerned and from surveys undertaken in France and the countries of origin. Consideration is given to sources of data, places of origin, economic activity of migrants, length of stay, residence, and illegal immigration.     

The Role of Migration Policy Changes in Europe for Return Migration to Senegal

This study questions the role of migration policy changes in France, Italy, and Spain for return migration to Senegal, by analyzing biographic data from the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE‐Senegal) survey and the contextual data of the Determinants of International Migration (DEMIG) VISA and DEMIG POLICY databases that cover major changes in migration policies in these destination countries for the different categories of migrants. Event history logistic regressions reveal that Senegalese migrants are less likely to return when the entry restrictions have become tighter. This result suggests that the decision to return depends on the possibility of migrating again after the return, which is crucial for both theory and policy regarding Western democracies' attempts to regulate migration.     

The dynamics of remittance behaviour among Senegalese men and women in Spain

This article explores the conditions under which Senegalese immigrants in Spain send remittances home, beginning with the premise that remittances are intertwined with migration histories and migrants’ incorporation into host societies. Given the strong gender norms in Senegal, we perform separate analyses for men and women. We use a longitudinal approach to analyse how remittance behaviour is affected by immigrants’ characteristics, their economic integration, and their ties to origin and destination. Our data come from the MAFE and MESE surveys, which were implemented in 2008 and 2011, respectively. The results indicate that remitters constitute a clear majority among Senegalese immigrants in Spain. The Kaplan–Meier analysis shows that they rarely stop remitting once they start doing so, and the multivariate analysis reveals a strong positive association between employment and remittance sending. Although most coefficients in the full model are similar for men and women, some important differences emerge as well.     

Local realities and global possibilities: deconstructing the imaginations of aspiring migrants in Senegal

Recent studies show that the numbers of aspiring migrants continue to be on the increase worldwide not only in the typical emigration countries in the South but also in the usual destination countries in the North. Yet, while migration theorists have recently included the micro perspective of individual agency and sociocultural logics in their search for the engine behind the migration flows, far less research has been done on the sociocultural embeddedness of the imaginations of aspiring migrants, most of whom will never migrate. In Senegal, an increasing large number of men and women are very focused on transnational migration. This article tries to unravel the knot as to what lies at the core of this seeming national preoccupation with migration out of Senegal. Its conclusion suggests that the pervasive desire of so many is rooted in the way in which the economic claims of family members and friends are culturally informed.     

The Human Capital Characteristics and Household Living Standards of Returning International Migrants in Eastern and Southern Africa

Africa’s experience with return migration is not new. However, few empirical studies have examined the social and economic characteristics of returning migrants within the continent. In this study, the human capital endowments and household living standards of returning migrants in Uganda and South Africa are examined using recently available data. The study compares returnees in both countries with immigrants as well as the native‐born population with no international migration experience. It also investigates how factors such as previous country of residence, year of arrival, and other demographic factors predict levels of education and living standards among returning migrants. In Uganda, the results show that recently arrived returning migrants had better educational endowments than both immigrants and non‐migrants. Migrants who returned to Uganda following the fall of Idi Amin’s regime had the lowest educational levels and lowest living standards compared to other returnees. Furthermore, the results indicate that previous residence in countries in the West was associated with four additional years of schooling while returning migrants arriving from other African countries had the lowest levels of schooling among returning migrants. In South Africa, the study finds that returnees arriving almost immediately following the end of Apartheid had the highest levels of education compared to either immigrants or non‐migrants. Returnees on average also had the highest household living standards in South Africa. Among South African immigrants, the results indicate that those arriving towards the end of the century had lower educational endowments compared to immigrants who arrived in the country two to four years after the end of Apartheid.     

Return Migration in Africa and the Relationship between Educational Attainment and Labor Market Success: Evidence from Uganda

The return migration of skilled professionals has been suggested as a policy instrument suitable for reversing the large‐scale emigration of skilled professionals from African countries. However, there are no empirical studies showing how migrant professionals from Africa are reintegrated into the labor market after they return. This study examines the relationship between educational attainment and the likelihood of employment among native‐born African migrants returning home from abroad. The study focuses on the evidence from Uganda since this country has one of the longest histories of skilled migration in Africa. The results show that returning migrants with university degrees and vocational credentials are more likely to be employed than their nonmigrant and immigrant counterparts. However, this employment advantage was not observed among returning migrants with secondary schooling or below. Furthermore, the results show that returning migrants are generally more likely to be employed as district employment rates increase.     

Electoral turnout of foreign-born residents in Chile: an analysis with data from the administrative census and opinion polls

Based on an administrative census of the 267,116 migrants registered for the 2017 presidential elections and a survey applied to 4771 migrants, we conclude that (1) the electoral participation of migrants shows a significant gender gap, with women participating in a higher proportion; (2) migrants who registered earlier in the electoral registers, are more likely to vote compared to the rest; (3) when migrants come from countries that implement compulsory voting, they increase their likelihood of voting in the receiving country; (4) the declaration of wanting to remain in Chile and not return to their countries of origin or migrate to another country increases the probability of voting, and the same happens with married migrants, with Chilean children, with a Chilean partner, and with a better economic situation; (5) social capital has a positive influence on electoral participation.     

Social effects of migration in receiving countries

This paper examines the impact of post-1945 migration into Western, Middle, and Northern Europe from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, and migration to the traditional immigration countries by Asian and Latin American immigrants, on the social structures of receiving countries. Between 1955 and 1974, 1) traditional migration to the US and Australia became less important for European countries while traditional receiving countries accepted many immigrants from developing countries; and 2) rapid economic revival in Western and Northern Europe caused a considerable labor shortage which was filled by migrant workers especially from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, who stayed only until they reached their economic goals. Since 1974, job vacancies have declined and unemployment has soared. This employment crisis caused some migrants 1) to return to their countries of origin, 2) to bring the rest of their families to the receiving country, or 3) to lengthen their stay considerably. The number of refugees has also significantly increased since the mid-970s, as has the number of illegal migrants. After the mid-1970s, Europe began to experience integration problems. The different aspects of the impact of migration on social structures include 1) improvement of the housing situation for foreigners, 2) teaching migrants the language of the receiving country, 3) solving the unemployment problem of unskilled migrants, 4) improvement of educational and vocational qualifications of 2nd generation migrants, 5) development of programs to help unemployed wives of migrants to learn the language and meet indigenous women, 6) encouraging migrants to maintain their cultural identity and assisting them with reintegration if they return to their original country, 7) coping with the problems of refugees, and 8) solving the problems of illegal migration. Almost all receiving countries now severely restrict further immigration. [Those policies should result in improved development of aid policies towards sending countries. Immigration from other countries to those of the European Economic community should be limited to that for humanitarian reasons.     

Remittances and the Maintenance of Dual Social Worlds: The Transnational Working Lives of Migrants in Greater London

Most research on remittances focuses on economic motivations, with little emphasis on the social contexts in which the remittance economy operates. Through an analysis of in‐depth interviews with migrant workers in a London hotel and hospital, we examine how migrants’ familial and social relationships in both sending and receiving countries inform the decision to send remittances. We suggest that remittances are a mechanism through which migrants are able to fulfil multiple obligations to families and places of origin, while also enhancing their own economic status and future. First, satisfying the cultural expectation of sending remittances helps migrants maintain their social worlds at “home”. Second, we observed that both positive and negative changes in power and resources influence the decision to send remittances by motivating migrants to invest in their social position in either their home or receiving country. In sum, we argue that the migrants’ social experience in the United Kingdom might be just as predictive of remittance behaviour as their economic and social status in the country of origin. We, therefore, call for a need to move beyond the often one‐sided concern with development by concentrating on the overlapping social worlds of migrants.     

Measures to facilitate the reintegration of returning migrants into their countries of origin

Migration movements are presently a worldwide phenomenon; all groups of migrant workers, regardless of their origin or generation, have common problems. Return migrants' problems and their solution concern the emigration countries as well as the immigration countries. 3 proposals for an integrated approach to solving return migrants' problems follow. 1) Provide general assistance to the returning migrants. a) Statistical information about migrants and causes of their return should be gathered. b) Job placement assistance should be available to the returnees. c) Migrants should be assisted with travel and removal expenses. d) Their children's education should be facilitated by education in their mother tongue, travel to the home country during vacations, readaptation courses, and acceptance of diplomas and certificates obtained abroad. e) All emigration countries should accept a simplified and extended form of second retirement program to protect emigrants' social security rights. 2) Provide vocational training and readaptation. a) Home countries should seek ways to profit from the skill and knowledge returning migrant workers offer. b) Young skilled returnees should be employed as teachers and trainers. c) Vocational training centers should be developed and maintained. d) Course certificates obtained abroad should be accepted in the home country. 3) Create new job opportunities for returnees. a) Small businesses and grants to start private businesses should be encouraged. b) Technical and financial assistance should be provided to workers' companies. c) Migrant workers' savings should be directed to areas that are productive and that create employment possibilities. d) Possible return migration may be facilitated by issuing shares in investment projects with preferences, guaranteeing exchange rates, allowing accounts in foreign currencies, issuing government bonds with preferences, developing special aid funds for housing schemes, guaranteeing migrant workers' enterprises, and by offering returning migrants the option to buy shares in companies against foreign currency.     

Measures which host countries and countries of origin could adopt to promote the return of migrants

The immigration wave in the 1960s and 1970s brought scores of migrants to Europe. Most intended to work a few years in a foreign country and return to their homeland; however, poor economies in their own countries discouraged their return. At the same time, jobs became scarcer in their host countries. Several European countries today are resorting to measures designed to promote the return of migrants to their countries of origin. This paper outlines the two major options open to governments in their reintegration efforts. Option 1 requires instituting a definite reintegration policy. Public aid to promote reintegration may be provided. For example, the French give aid contingent upon the return of foreign workers in the labor force to the country of origin and not just upon their departure from the host country. Classical methods pay conpensation to the foreign worker; the problem then is to determine at what point to limit the funds. It must be decided whether or not unemployment benefits should be capitalized and whether or not to reimburse social security and old age contributions. It is also desirable for foreign workers to have access to a specialized organization which is able to advise them on setting up a project or business on their return; ideally, this organization should finance the project. Perhaps the best solution is to enlist participation of the governments of the countries of origin to make job openings known to their nationals desiring to return. Option 2 requires that reintegration be introduced into other economic and social programs. Returning foreign workers would be included as a factor in overall policy planning. Vocational training for return migrants could be proposed to job seekers as well as to dismissed workers. A portion of money used to finance housing projects could be earmarked for construction or reservation of housing in the country of origin. Bilateral vocational training programs can be addressed to nationals who want to return home. A portion of bilateral public development aid may also be used in support of reintegration projects. Finally, it should be possible to propose small development projects in the country of origin for nationals desiring to return.     

Migrants’ Descendants and New Mobilities between China and Spain

The economic rise of China and the financial crises in Spain have transformed transnational practices between the two countries and have boosted new strategies of mobility among Spanish of Chinese descent. This article examines the relationship that migrants’ descendants establish with their parents’ country of origin from their childhood, and analyses emerging new mobilities towards China undertaken by migrants’ descendants who have attained high degrees of formal education and are looking for a better professional future. The article argues that migrants’ descendants are reshaping the transnational space between the two countries and re-evaluating their transnational training in order to apply their Spanish and Chinese socio-cultural skills in their professional careers. The research reveals how migrants’ descendants undertake a migration journey to secure upward social mobility, just as their parents did when migrating to Europe. Hence, social and geographical mobility intersect in opposite directions over time and across generations.     

Measures to facilitate the reintegration of returning migrant workers: international experiences

Bilateral and multilateral measures implemented to assist migrants who return to their country of origin have been designed to respond to a number of different but specific situations. 2 bilateral agreements are briefly described: 1) an agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Turkey signed in the early 1970s, and 2) an agreement between France and Algeria signed in 1980. 3 different types of multilateral activities are described: 1) the operation of the so-called Return of Talent program by the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration, 2) the Transfer of KNow-how Through Expatriate Nationals program of the UN Development Programme, and 3) the elaboration of a model machinery on return migration by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. While the 1st 2 activities are operational programs, by which annually between 1000-2000 professionals are assisted in their permanent return to or temporary sojourn in their developing countries of origin, with the financial support of both the developed and the developing countries concerned, the 3rd initiative is a conceptual effort aimed at assisting governments to implement policy measures designed to make return migration commensurate with national development goals. 3 recent proposals include 1) the proposal for an international labor compensatory facility, 2) an international fund for vocational training, and 3) an international fund for manpower resources. A common factor shared by all these programs is that they have all involved on 1 side industrial receiving countries which feel themselves obliged to observe a number of principles guaranteed by law and which govern employment conditions and working relations. The reintegration measures implemented or proposed in cooperation with them have been adopted in full consideration of the prevailing standards of these countries, as different as they may be from 1 country to another. A common consideration has been that the returning migrant should reintegrate in his country of origin as far as possible in conditions allowing the returnee to attain self-sufficiency and social security coverage. However, this underlying context does not necessarily prevail in all world regions where different forms of labor migration take place. Therefore the measures experienced in the relationship of specific countries cannot be easily copied for implementation in other countries. Multilateral measures benefited a rather limited number of individuals only, in many instances skilled and highly skilled migrants.     

Problems faced by migrants and their family members,particularly second generation migrants,in returning to and reintegrating into their countries of origin

The growing tendency in Europe and other countries to introduce return migration as an element of migration policy has provoked a number of migration studies. Some of the problems faced by returning migrants and their families have been identified and are outlined here. First generation returning migrants face problems with social and economic assimilation: 1) returnees often practice conspicuous consumption which is resented by local people as the behavior of the new rich; those without the opportunity to migrate are particularly resentful. 2) The receiving country most often views the returnee as identical to the migrant who left years ago; problems with sociocultural reintegration are not recognized and no action is taken in that direction. 3) The homeland's economic situation and employment situation may not be strong enough to introduce social programs for returnees. 4) Returnees may have trouble finding new friends and community support. 5) Returnees are often underutilized in their home countries because the economic system is unable to absorb them. The second generation's problem in remigration may be classed into problems with social adjustment, integration into the educational system, and integration into the labor market. 1) Adolescent girls are likely to encounter difficulties because they are forced more frequently than boys to conform to traditional behavior patterns. 2) Youngsters have to learn that everyday life is heavily family-oriented, and that social control is very strong. 3) Lack of compatibility between the educational systems in the 2 countries disfavors the returnees; they may be barred from the school system because of language deficiencies or because priority is given to local students. 4) Many countries receiving youngsters have extremely high unemployment rates and cannot absorb these returnees into their labor force. 5) Although girls are generally better educated than boys, they work in lower-ranking jobs. The return movement calls for cooperation between the countries of immigration and remigration. More detailed research and observation are needed, particularly in defining differences between returnees and nonreturnees, between the sexes, and among age groups.     

We never plan to return home: voices of pre-migrant Ghanaian youth

This qualitative study aimed to explore return migration intentions among pre-migrant youth in Ghana. The study applied the neoclassical economics, new economics of labor migration, and structuralist theories. Thirty-four students (16 females and 18 males) were purposively recruited as participants for the study. Each student participated in one out of four digitally recorded focus group discussions. The data were analyzed to identify emerging themes that addressed objectives of the study. Participants were final year undergraduate and graduate university students and their ages ranged from 22 to 34 years. Analysis of the data revealed that participants had plans to migrate to the diaspora to seek income-generating and educational opportunities. Furthermore, evidence showed that the youth included in this study had no intentions of returning to their country of origin due to three major reasons (economic, family pressure, and stigma). For many pre-migrants, returning to their country of origin is not an option, especially if they are able achieve their goals in the diaspora. Given that return migration usually involves labor migrants who did not reap the benefits of higher earnings abroad and were therefore regarded as failed migrants, there is the need for government and other stakeholders to initiate policies that address the socioeconomic and psychological challenges faced by return migrants.     

Understanding Transnational Labour Market Trajectories of African‐European Migrants: Evidence from the MAFE Survey

Labor market trajectories of migrants are seldom explored in a longitudinal and comparative perspective. However, a longitudinal approach is crucial for a better understanding of migrants' long‐term occupational attainments, while comparative research is useful to disentangle specificities and general processes across destination and origin countries. This article explores the labor market outcomes of migrants from Senegal, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Ghana in different European countries, using the MAFE data to compare their occupational attainments before migration, upon arrival and during the first 10 years of stay in Europe in a longitudinal perspective. Results highlight different pattern of migrants' selection across destinations, influenced by prior employment status and education, gender and colonial legacies, and which impact subsequent trajectories into the European labor markets. Our analyses also show a severe worsening of migrants' occupational status in Europe compared to their situation prior to migration, which is the resultant of a dramatic downgrading upon entry and of a slow occupational recovering during the first 10 years of stay in Europe. Results suggest that the educational–occupational mismatch of skilled workers might represent a long‐lasting “price” for migrants, unless (further) educational credentials are achieved in destination countries.     

The Chinese Policy of Highly-Qualified Human Capital: A Strategic Factor for Global Competition in Innovation

International migration is a historical phenomenon, which only recently has gained increasing importance, representing a focal point on the political agenda in most countries. One of the reasons is the deep transformation occurring in last decades, both at global and local level, of the role played by its protagonists that are turning to be transnational agents. This is especially true for the skilled professionals, who migrate internationally. As a matter of fact, international human capital mobility is now regarded as “brain circulation” rather than “brain drain”: this new concept concerns individuals who maintain frequent and continued social, economic and political ties with their country of origin, exceeding thereby the territorial and cultural boundaries. In this scenario, China is one of the main sending countries of highly-skilled migrants, through which it can built economic and academic relations with other economic and technological advanced countries. Recently, Chinese policy makers have started to consider the brain drain phenomenon as an opportunity for the transmission of business and technological know-how, as well as tacit knowledge that is hard to find through official channels. This article intends to contribute to the scientific debate on the subject, highlighting the international relevance of the so-called Overseas Chinese Professionals (OCPs), investigating their spatial distribution and features. Besides, the paper will examine the emerging returning flow and the challenge that the country will have to cope with in the next future to impose itself as a innovative leading economy.