Old Voters on New Dimensions: Why Do Voters Vote for Pensioners’ Parties? The Case of the Netherlands

This article analyzes the electoral support of the Dutch pensioners’ party 50Plus. Due to its open electoral system and aging population, the Netherlands is a key case to study pensioners’ parties. Our study shows that this pensioners’ party appeals to voters who are characterized by their age and their dependence on the welfare state as well as their policy positions on new lines of political conflict. In particular, their position on the new economic dimension (which concerns welfare state reform) and the new cultural dimension (which concerns immigration and EU integration) is distinct. Moreover, even when the majority of voters for this new party once supported the larger mainstream parties, they are now dissatisfied with the established politics. With rapidly aging populations across established democracies, this study is not just relevant for those studying pensioners’ parties, but rather gives an important insight into the electoral dynamics and popular support for mainstream politics, the welfare state, and social security.     

Divorce and immigration: the social integration of immigrant divorcees in Israel

This paper attempts to supply information on what motivated some 7000 Jewish divorcees to leave their countries of origin in the last decade and settle in Israel. The study also examines the differences in social integration of immigrant divorcees who came to Israel from different political systems--authoritarian or democratic regimes. Finally, the study examines the extent to which immigrant divorcees, who generally arrive in Israel with children, are to be considered as a "high risk" social group requiring special attention and particular aid. Of the 287,487 immigrants aged 15 years and over who arrived in Israel between 1970-1980, 53.7% were women (sex ratio: 860 males per 1000 females), and 3.6% were divorced. The findings indicate that there are significant differences between divorcees from Anglophone and Eastern European countries in their motivation for immigrating to Israel. The former decide to immigrate primarily for individual reasons--generally after divorce--expecting that immigration will increase chances of remarriage. In contrast, those who came from Eastern Europe are motivated by political, economic, and ideological reasons; the issue of immigration often sparks the divorce crisis. Divorcees from Anglophone countries are less socially isolated, more likely to meet veteran Israelis, and more satisfied with their life in Israel. Eastern European divorcees usually restrict their social contact to encounters with other immigrants from their country of origin, are less satisfied with their life in Israel, and feel themselves more isolated and frustrated. Despite the difficulties encountered by this group, it was found that there are no marked differences between divorcees and married immigrant women in social integration. In Israel, immigrant divorcees cannot be considered as a "high risk" social group.     

Predicting welfare benefit claiming using expectancy theory

Explanations for why over 600,000 UK pensioners do not claim their entitlement to Supplementary Pensions (a means-tested benefit) can be attributed to three types of attitudinal factors: (1) their perceptions of their situations; (2) their beliefs that applying leads to certain outcomes and has certain implications; and (3) their feelings about these outcomes. Although beliefs and feelings about the outcomes of applying are central insofar as many of them represent responses to factors which government can hope to influence, it is clear that these beliefs and feelings are not important to all pensioners. Thus in order to identify and to determine the importance of key beliefs and feelings, a method must be devised to locate those non-claimants for whom such expectations are strongly related to their behaviour. This small study of Scottish pensioners tests the effectiveness of a conceptual model which employs pensioners' perceptions of need, of the utility of the benefit, and of the stability of their situations both as predictors of non-claiming and as moderators of the relationship between their beliefs and feelings about the outcomes of applying and their actual claiming behaviour.     

The Coming Failure of Mission-Oriented Social Research

Abstract

An effort has been made to examine systematically the effects of various types of status inconsistencies and perceived stress on support for radical political parties within various class and age categories in order to clarify ambiguities in previous research. In general, two broad hypotheses have been suggested: that stressful life situations are more likely to lead to radical support among young people since they are less committed to the political system and traditional political parties and are more open to change; and that stressful life situations are more likely to lead to radical political support among older people since they have less hope for their situation to improve. To test these hypotheses, we examine support for the separatist Parti Quebecois using a 1970 survey with 1587 francophone respondents from the province of Quebec. Findings from multiple regression suggest the following: political alienation is more likely to PQ lead to support among those under 35; status inconsistency is more likely to lead to PQ support among those in mid-life (36–59); and worry about financial future is the strongest predictor of support among those over 60. The findings confirm expectations about age differences in the effects of status concerns on radical political support.     

2009年中东大选述评

2009年,以色列、伊朗和阿富汗等中东国家相继举行大选。以色列利库德集团时隔四年重执权柄,伊朗保守派竞选连任成功,阿富汗普什图族则再掌政权。中东大选表现出社会政治发展的转型性和国家安全的现实威胁性两大共性特征,而不同的历史文化又使其表现出政治发展道路的多样性和政治发展水平的不平衡性等个性特征。一系列大选将对巴以和平进程、伊朗核问题和阿富汗重建产生一定的影响。     

Migration to Israel: the mythology of "uniqueness"

The article explores the widespread assumption that immigration to Israel is a unique phenomenon which differs structurally from migration to other places. This assumption stems from the view that migrants to other destinations generally leave a place they consider home to find a new home. In terms of the Israeli construction, Jews have been "strangers" in their countries of origin and seek to find a new home by means of migration.
The Law of Return (1950), which established an open-door policy for Jews and extensive support benefits for immigrants in a context of presumed social consensus, has generally been thought to be sui generis . The article considers evidence that shows that in the 1980s and 1990s, Israel is becoming more like other Western countries which admit large numbers of refugees, asylum seekers, foreign workers, persons seeking family unification and diaspora migrants.
As in other migration societies, multi-ethnicity poses problems of cultural integration and some groups seek actively to retain major elements of their earlier cultural heritage.
Immigrants have become an identifiable political force to be reckoned with. There is more overt questioning within the society of the open-door policy for Jewish immigrants than in previous years. Nevertheless, the tradition of "uniqueness" remains strong in the sociology of migration in Israel. Consideration of the empirical reality at the end of the 1990s suggests that the sociology of migration in the Israel context has many important parallels in other societies and is best understood in a global context of theory and practice.     

2009年中东大选述评

2009年,以色列、伊朗和阿富汗等中东国家相继举行大选。以色列"利库德集团"时隔四年重执权柄,伊朗保守派竞选连任成功,阿富汗普什图族则再掌政权。中东大选表现出社会政治发展的转型性和国家安全的现实威胁性两大共性特征,而不同的历史文化又使其表现出政治发展道路的多样性和政治发展水平的不平衡性等个性特征。一系列大选将对"巴以和平进程"、"伊朗核问题"和"阿富汗重建"产生一定的影响。     

Rising Preferred Retirement Age in Europe: Are Europe’s Future Pensioners Adapting to Pension System Reforms?

This study investigates whether older workers have adapted their preferred retirement age to the pension reforms aimed at extending working life. Based on data from Eurobarometer and the European Social Survey in 12 European countries, the analysis shows that future pensioners have indeed increased their preferred retirement age and adjusted to the new credo of late retirement. However, the strength of the increase was found to vary between different groups of older workers: It is much stronger for the higher-educated than for the lower-educated. This finding supports recent concerns regarding the reemergence of social inequality in the retirement process.     

后穆巴拉克时代的埃及穆斯林兄弟会

穆巴拉克政权倒台后,穆斯林兄弟会成为埃及政坛最具实力的政治力量。它通过组党、组建政治联盟、引导过渡期政治安排等措施,巩固了其在政治格局中的优势地位。由于穆兄会在组织结构、经济实力等方面的优势,加之埃及世俗政治力量的式微,它旗下的自由与正义党有望在议会选举中胜出。迄今为止,穆兄会的政治议程尚不明朗,但政治现实将促使其趋于务实。穆兄会的经济政策与穆巴拉克政权相似,使其难以领导埃及实现经济转型。与此同时,穆兄会的崛起将促进阿拉伯国家伊斯兰党派走向联合,引发阿拉伯世界地缘政治结构的变动。当然,穆兄会上台也为埃及与以色列和美国的关系带来较大的负面影响。     

印度与以色列战略伙伴关系的进展、动力及前景

近年来,受决策者、国家、地区和国际因素等要素变化的影响,印度和以色列关系呈现出全面性、战略性、伙伴性的发展态势。2017年印度和以色列明确宣布将两国关系提升至“战略伙伴关系”。此后,两国深入拓展在政治、军事、经济、人文四大领域的合作与交流,政治关系日益密切,军事合作不断深化,经贸关系提质加速,人文交流日益活跃。未来一段时期内,印度和以色列可能在军事、反恐以及经贸等领域进一步加强合作。然而,受国内因素、地区和国际因素的影响,未来印度和以色列关系发展仍存在诸多变数,双方在短期内无法结成同盟关系。     

Estimating the effects of activists in two-party and multi-party systems: comparing the United States and Israel

This article presents an electoral model where activist groups contribute resources to their favored parties. These resources are then used by the party candidates to enhance the electoral perception of their quality or valence. We construct an empirical model of the United States presidential election of 2008 and employ the electoral perception of the character traits of the two candidates. We use a simulation technique to determine the local Nash equilibrium, under vote share maximization, of this model. The result shows that the unique vote-maximizing equilibrium is one where the two candidates adopt convergent positions, close to the electoral center. This result conflicts with the estimated positions of the candidates in opposed quadrants of the policy space. The difference between estimated positions and equilibrium positions allows us to estimate the influence of activist groups on the candidates. We compare this estimation with that of Israel for the election of 1996, and show that vote maximization leads low valence parties to position themselves far from the electoral origin. We argue that these low valence parties in Israel will be dependent on support of radical activist groups, resulting in a degree of political fragmentation.     

Who uses tips as a reward for service and when? An examination of potential moderators of the service-tipping relationship

Consumers in many countries often give voluntary payments of money (tips) to the workers who have served them. These tips are supposed to be a reward for service and research indicates that they do increase with customers’ perceptions of service quality. This paper contributes to the service-tipping literature by examining numerous potential moderators of this relationship in two studies. Results indicate that the service-tipping relationship is robust across meal type, day of week, sex and race of server as well as customers’ alcohol consumption, education, income, race, worship frequency, and hospitality work experience, but that it is stronger for older consumers than for younger ones and for parties with large bills than for parties with smaller bills. The practical and theoretical implications of these and other findings are discussed.     

PARTY POLITICS AND THE PRICE OF PAYOLA

The literature contains two competing views of the role of political parties: parties are treated either as associations of interest groups supported to the degree that they offer electoral support in the lawmaker's district, or as expressions of the personal ideologies of the lawmakers. In this paper parties are treated as bargaining agents for groups of lawmakers in their dealings with interest groups. Interest groups are depicted buying votes on proposals where those votes are cheapest. Parties are combinations of consistently low-price vote suppliers. The theory has empirical power that discriminates between it and the two competing models.     

Political Participation and Late-Life Learning: A Cross-Cultural Study of Older People’s Participation in Seniors’ Interest Organisations in Australia and Spain

Understanding what older people learn from their civic participation is of critical importance both for individuals and organisations. This link has been neglected in prior research, and the evidence across diverse cultural contexts is particularly limited. However, the political context of older people’s life experiences and participation is important in their participation. The intent of the present study is to explore the learnings experienced by older people through participation in seniors’ interest organisations, across Australia and Spain. Participants included 52 active members of political organisations focused on issues for older people. A questionnaire was used for data collection; participants’ responses to an open-ended question regarding what they have learnt from their participation in seniors’ interest organisations are analysed here. Participants’ answers were subjected to a multi-stage thematic analysis. Findings show three key themes relating to learnings about themselves, such as self-improvement or skills or knowledge; learnings about others, such as cooperation with others and understand that people have different views; and learning about society, such as inequality and the need to fight for injustice. The findings suggest some interesting similarities and differences across contexts, which appears to reflect the different political contexts of the two countries.     

当代中东伊斯兰激进组织的暴力行为研究

中东伊斯兰激进组织行动无论与“基地”是否有关，也无论具体的行动是否由本·拉登策划和指挥，绝大部分都打着“本·拉登”的旗号，对外宣称是“基地”组织的一部分。它们选择各种暴力方式，将主要目标指向以美国为首的西方大国、以色列和中东地区的亲美世俗政府，’通过威胁性的政治报复性爆炸、恐吓性的经济破坏性屠杀和胁迫性谈判的劫机绑架等途径，追求轰动效应和恐怖后果，从而满足某种政治诉求。     

Policies for older volunteers: A study of Germany and Italy, 1990–2008

Older people increase their well-being and contribute to the community when they volunteer. Therefore, policy-makers sometimes consider supporting older volunteers. However, they reach different conclusions on whether they should introduce policies for older volunteers, and on what policy would be the most suitable. This article studies how policies for older volunteers emerged in Germany and Italy, both countries having one of the oldest populations in the world. It explores the political discourse on older volunteers, and how this discourse translates into policies. To do this, the article presents data collected in expert interviews and document analysis. Findings show that German policy-makers stress the contribution of volunteering to older people's well-being and have introduced policies for older volunteers. Italian policy-makers, in contrast, frame older volunteers as social service providers and have decided not to single out specific age groups in their policies for volunteers. Moreover, the policies are influenced by the policy-makers' perceptions and path-dependencies, meaning policies and institutions that were introduced in the past. These findings suggest that whether or not policies for older volunteers emerge depends less on the characteristics of the older population and more on the society and its political traditions.     

MASTERING THE ART OF SOCIAL MEDIA

Online communication has become a central part in the communication repertoires of political actors in Western mass democracies. In Switzerland, where broadband, internet use, and media literacy are amongst the highest in the world, all major political parties run their own website and are active on social media. This article seeks to show how Swiss political parties deal with social media, how they implement it and how they use social media. The study builds on empirical data from a structural analysis of party websites, the official Facebook sites, and Twitter feeds. These social media sites were analysed for their resonance, update frequency, and thematic clusters focusing on information, mobilization, and participation. A weekly assessment of the user numbers illustrates the development of user resonance throughout the 2011 election year. While political parties claim to appreciate the dialogue and mobilization potentials of social media, they mainly use social media as an additional channel to spread information and electoral propaganda. The overall resonance is still on a very low level. The data seem to sustain the normalization hypothesis, as larger parties with more resources and voters are better able to generate effective communication and to mobilize online than small and marginal parties.     

叙利亚库尔德人的政党政治研究

自从1957年第一个叙利亚库尔德政党建立以来,库尔德政党经过多次分化、重组和联盟,一直是叙利亚库尔德运动的主导力量。作为叙利亚库尔德人的代表,库尔德政党提出了维护库尔德人政治文化权利、承认库尔德人少数民族地位、给予库尔德民族一定程度自治等不同层面的政治要求。尽管长期以来受到政府的压制,而且-9当前叙利亚国内的反对派在民族问题上也存在分歧,但库尔德政党始终坚持要实现自己的政治要求。     

FROM MEDIA POLITICS TO E-PROTEST

New forms of political expression are often taken as further evidence of the 'cultural turn' within contemporary societies. Taking two recent cases - the use of popular culture in the election campaigns of British political parties (and particularly the Labour Party) and the so-called 'Carnival Against Capital' of June 18th 1999 - this article argues for caution in assuming that such cultural modi vivendi necessarily require culturalist forms of explanation and analysis. Weargue that both established political parties and extra-parliamentary social movements have found new opportunities for political communication and mobilization through media and information technology (particularly the Internet). However, the resource and organizational problems they confront remain the same, as does the familiar instrumental rationality of their actions. Rather than leading us to abandon established analytical tools such as political intermediation, political opportunity structures or resource mobilization, shifting opportunities and conditions require the adaptation and extension of such concepts. In this spirit, we attempt to offer an analysis of the cultural mode adopted by parties and movements without losing sight of their broader goals and motivations.     

Return to work still possible after several years as a disability pensioner due to musculoskeletal disorders: a population-based study after new legislation in Sweden permitting "resting disability pension"

Different strategies have been used to stimulate a return to work (RTW) among individuals suffering from long-term ailments. In Sweden a new law on "resting disability pension" permits disability pensioners to go back to work without jeopardising their benefits. In this study different variables related to RTW during 2000 by means of this legislation were identified among disability pensioners with musculoskeletal disorders. Individuals in the study group, when compared to a control group, had more often been disability pensioners for several years, had additional education, estimated their previous job to have been physically strenuous to a lesser degree, were more satisfied with the treatment at the social insurance office and had a more positive self-image. This study shows that it may be meaningful to continue/resume rehabilitation efforts and to try to motivate an individual suffering from musculoskeletal disorders to return to work even after several years as a disability pensioner.