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Pijl Kees van der Sminia Harry 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2004,15(2):137-155
This paper argues that strategic management of a public interest organization not only needs to be aimed at the interests it represents, but it also has to incorporate the organization's internal workings. The functioning of a public interest organization is seen to suffer from a primary dilemma of membership and influence and a secondary dilemma of representation and control. If these dilemmas are not handled adequately, the public interest organization will suffer from a vicious circle of contradiction and conflict, eventually threatening the organization's long-term viability. A case study is elaborated to empirically underpin this proposition. 相似文献
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Computing and Public Organizations 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
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Sweet-Talking the Fourth Branch: The Influence of Interest Group Comments on Federal Agency Rulemaking 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Students of politics have identified a variety of actors whoappear to influence the federal bureaucracy's implementationof public policy, including Congress, the president, and interestgroups. These lines of research, however, have often portrayedinterest groups as actors with indirect influence (who, forexample, work through or with Congress), rather than assessingthe direct influence of interest groups on bureaucratic policyoutputs. I conduct a test of direct interest group influenceby analyzing an original data set composed of 1,444 interestgroup comments in reaction to forty federal agency rules. Ifind, contrary to the expectations of the extant literature,that the formal participation of interest groups during rulemakingcan, and often does, alter the content of policy within the"fourth branch" of government. I conclude that those who voicetheir preferences during the notice and comment period rulemakingare often able to change government policy outputs to bettermatch their preferences. 相似文献
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Ericka Costa Tommaso Ramus Michele Andreaus 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2011,22(3):470-493
The long-term performance of NPOs is based on their ability to link and maximize social value as defined in their mission. This involves legitimacy obtained from stakeholders influenced by and influencing NPO activities, and their operational capacity or economic efficiency. Thus, NPOs have to utilize multiple level accountability systems which should be compatible with their multiple objectives and stakeholders’ claims. The accountability system of an NPO should focus on its operational capacity, because in order to maximize its efficiency, an NPO has to measure its resource use, cost structure, and financial structure. Legitimacy obtained from stakeholders is also integral. If an organization is considered a social contract between multiple stakeholders, it has to consider the social economic effects of its activities and it has the duty to account for them. However, since the mission of an NPO is to create and distribute social value to a certain specific group, its social value creation has the most important role and an NPO should measure the social value it has created. This article analyzes the accountability system of a specific type of Italian NPO called Centri di Servizio per il Volontariato (CSVs)—namely centers which provide services for voluntary associations. The aim of the research is to verify if the accountability system adopted by CSVs satisfies their need for multiple level information (operational, legitimacy, and social value) and accomplishes their stakeholder claims, and to determine its impact on the definition and implementation of their strategy and on their long-term performance. The research was carried out using the action research model, and the findings are based on the analysis of a sample of 64 CSVs situated throughout Italy. 相似文献
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Strategy Content and Public Service Organizations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
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Rachel Simon-Kumar 《Journal of Women, Politics & Policy》2018,39(2):151-176
ABSTRACTWomen’s and gender organizations in New Zealand, like the rest of the community sector, capitalized on opportunities to engage with government as part of an inclusive turn in policymaking in the last decade. For the local women’s movement, inclusion offered the promise of strategic policy involvement at a time when the women’s movement was in “abeyance.” While governmental rhetoric emphasizes trusting and open relationships, the reality of engagement for organizations is complex, and the lasting influence they have on policy processes and outcomes is questionable. This article, based on the qualitative empirical analyses of interviews with over 30 representatives of community organizations, activists, scholars, and policymakers, identifies the opportunity structures of influence in the inclusive policy relationship. Emergent themes from the interviews showed that influence was tied to three key characteristics: fiscal autonomy, organizational legitimacy, and discursive alignment with the state’s discourses. Overall, the analysis points to new opportunities of influence created by the inclusive agenda, yet they are strained by the need to maintain ongoing collaborative relationships between the women’s sector and the state. 相似文献
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Clayton D. Peoples 《Sociology Compass》2013,7(11):900-913
The general public is skeptical of our current system of campaign finance and feels that members of Congress are corrupt. Although the scholarly literature on campaign contribution influence is mixed, there is growing consensus that Political Action Committees (PACs) and interest groups do, indeed, have a powerful influence on policymaking in Congress. In this article, the author reviews this literature and discusses how influence occurs. Findings reveal that influence is only very rarely an explicit quid pro quo exchange. Instead, it is typically an ongoing, implicit, reciprocal exchange that impacts multiple stages of the legislative process and yields contributors many dividends, such as softer regulations, lower taxes, and lucrative contracts – none of which are explicitly promised (except in rare cases of full‐blown bribery) but are, nonetheless, regularly granted. The social relationships between contributors and lawmakers are central to this process, as is the ability to get legislators to sway their colleagues. 相似文献
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Very Public Scandals: Nongovernmental Organizations in Trouble 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Gibelman Margaret Gelman Sheldon R. 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2001,12(1):49-66
This paper analyzes, from a cross-national perspective, publicized incidents of alleged wrongdoing on the part of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Data were derived from daily, weekly, or monthly newspapers and special nonprofit newsletters accessible through websites. Analysis of media reports of scandals involving NGOs was conducted to identify issues and trends in governance and management problems associated with this sector. The paper focuses on NGOs involved in the financing or delivery of health and human services. After highlighting some of the precedent-setting cases of NGO improprieties in the United States during the 1990s, prominent global cases of wrongdoing during the period 1998–2000 are reviewed. The underlying problems that allowed these cases to occur and their implications regarding NGO credibility and public trust are identified, and strategic options for enhancing accountability presented. 相似文献
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Raewyn Connell 《Gender, Work and Organization》2006,13(5):435-452
The state has a twofold relationship to gender change in society, through its overall steering capacity and through the gendered character of its constituent agencies. It is therefore important to understand the experience of gender change in state organizations. The findings from a study of gender relations in ten public‐sector worksites in New South Wales, Australia are presented. There is a widespread consciousness of gender change linked with new labour processes, restructuring and new patterns of management. These changes are uneven and limits to change are visible. Gender is recognized as an organizational problem in specific circumstances, most visibly where men’s resistance to change appears. A number of mechanisms limit the consciousness of gender as a problem. Several trends, including the current strength of neo‐liberalism, converge to make the gender‐neutral workplace the principal goal of gender reform in the public‐sector workplace. This, however, limits the state’s steering capacity in regard to societal gender relations. 相似文献
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Stephen G. Wieting 《Symbolic Interaction》2002,25(3):271-287
This article addresses the perplexing instance of Iceland effectively extending a franchise in 1998—scientifically and fiscally—to deCode Genetics to archive the population's medical records, combine them with extensive genealogical records and ongoing genetic research, and use the information for research and commercial yield that is essentially the private provenance of deCode Genetics. After an overview of the special historical context of Iceland, which is paradoxically a principal value of the deCode enterprise and also the source of the acrimony over its progression, I consider how this case might exercise (and thereby extend) the reach of interactionist conceptions of time. 相似文献
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Alberto Hernández Baqueiro 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2016,27(1):86-104
Throughout Latin America, the relationship between government and civil society organizations (CSOs) has been characterized by opposition, substitution, and submission; and, the incipient path to cooperation is barely noticeable. For their part, participatory public policies make sense within a theory of democratic governance. Democratic governance seeks two propositions: (a) participation from other social actors will give rise to more efficient government action; and (b) citizen support will emerge from the said government action. This paper criticizes the current relationships between the governments and CSOs in this region. In addition, it explores the potential strategies that could be adopted were there a cooperation between these two entities. The paper is supported by theoretical literature as well as by a revision of some cases of participatory public policies that are currently active in the region. The paper proposes that the strategies of opposition to government and government substitution have to be abandoned in this region. The paper focuses on civil organizations (CSOs). It is true that they do not constitute the entirety of civil society; however, they are frequently the most organized compared with other civic actors, such as social movements, families, and individual initiatives. CSOs form only a part of the diversity known as civil society; however, they significantly contribute to the discussion about the public good, and very often they participate in providing such goods. The future of participatory democracy in Latin America is related to our ability to achieve a more complete participation of CSOs in the entire process of participatory public policies—from the formation of public agendas to their design, implementation, and evaluation. 相似文献
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Interest Group Participation in Rule Making: A Decade of Change 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Ten years ago we completed a survey that examined interest groupparticipation in the rule-making process. At the time, it wasthe first major study to examine the role of interest groupsin one of the most important policy-making venues in our democraticsystem. This article reexamines interest group participationin rule making a decade later. We focus most of the study oncomparisons in how organizations access rule-making agencies,what techniques are used to lobby agencies, and the perceivedeffectiveness of these techniques by the organizations themselves.In addition, given the relatively new phenomenon of erulemaking and the increase of other electronic communication techniques,we open an examination of interest groups use of these formsof communications and their implications. We find that rulemaking continues to be a primary concern of organizations tryingto influence federal public policy, even as they have focusedmore on campaign and grassroots activities. In some ways, theseefforts are more important now than they were ten years ago. 相似文献
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推动社会组织参与治理是完善城市公共治理、提升治理绩效的重要一环.上海应提升对社会组织作用的认识水平,推动社会组织进一步填补城市公共治理漏洞:促进社会组织优化产品和服务,提升精细化水平,改善城市公共治理绩效;积极构建整合社会组织参与城市公共治理的格局体系,促进社会组织广泛参与;完善体制机制、丰富和拓宽参与渠道,提升参与便捷性和有效性;搭建协作平台,促进多主体协作联动,提升治理效率. 相似文献
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Lundström Tommy 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2001,12(4):355-371
This paper presents an analysis of the role of Swedish voluntary organizations within the field of child protection as well as processes of institutionalization within such organizations. The empirical focus is on the two most important voluntary organizations within the field today, namely Rädda Barnen (Save the Children) and BRIS (Children's Right in Society). And their importance within the child protection discourse, as well as their role as producers of welfare, is discussed. In the latter respect two different processes of professionalization—professionalization of volunteers and avant-garde professionalism—are identified. It is demonstrated that the relationship between the state and voluntary organizations is a key issue when understanding the nature of the organizations and their role in the organizational landscape. 相似文献