国外现代全民公决的类型研究

全民公决是指在某个国家或地区内,享有投票权的全体公民对本国或本地区具有重大影响的问题,以投男《的方式进行表决,在现代政治生活中占有重要地位。基于全民公决的对象、主体范围、必需与否、投票结果、法律依据等的不同,可以对全民公决现象做一简单明晰的归类,由此可分辨出不同的全民公决类型的成因、作用及对现代政治生活的价值。     

浅析机构投资股东的四大行为策略

机构投资者在入市时应该扮演好股市挑选者的角色,但由于自身理性有限,在充满风险与不确定性的世界中,其对股份的收益性偏好不会常常如愿,入市后,可能遭遇一家或数家股份入选公司的绩效欠佳或治理出现问题。机构投资股东可能的行为策略有:用脚投票、无为而治和积极行为。无论做出何种选择,都是机构投资股东在满足特定约束条件下的经济理性作用的结果。在实践中,我们可以因势利导,促进机构投资股东的良性发展进程。     

中国农村基层民主选举中经济投票行为研究

"经济投票"理论为分析公民投票行为内在机理提供有效的观测窗口。伴随我国农村基层群众自治组织民主选举的蓬勃开展,针对投票人投票参与和投票选择等行为研究的重要性日益凸显。已有研究中由于存在样本选择、资料来源、研究方法取向等问题,无法从严谨的学术视角提供经济投票理论对中国农村基层民主选举行为的影响的实证分析。对经济投票理论展开全景性回顾和归纳性评述,基于全国性调查数据来实证分析农村基层选举中经济投票理论的现实影响,可以发现,年龄与投票行为之间存在倒U形关系,社会经济地位对投票行为的影响主要通过经济状况和主观社会地位来施加,政治涉入程度越深的村民更倾向于积极参与,认为"经济发展比民主重要"的人群更愿意投票,"经济评价"对投票行为只发挥了很有限的影响。所谓"经济投票"理论对中国农村基层投票行为的解释力有限,可能受理论局限性、经济投票测量问题、中国当前重经济发展的宏观环境以及村庄的异质性的影响。     

Race, social class, and student engagement in middle school English classrooms

Student level data on participation in classroom discourse and student effort on assignments in 117 middle school English classrooms are used to investigate the social determinants of student engagement in classroom instruction. Social identity theories of race, social class, and attachment to school, and research in the social psychology of achievement motivation both suggest differential levels of student engagement among diverse student groups. Using multilevel models, the author investigates the relationship between classroom context and students’ levels of engagement. Levels of engagement among black and low SES students are mostly insensitive to classroom context, suggesting there is little collective action directed at fostering anti-school norms among these student groups. However, consistent with research in the social psychology of achievement motivation, students who begin class with weaker reading and writing skills are less likely to be engaged, setting the stage for a cycle of reduced achievement growth.     

Bribery or just desserts? Evidence on the influence of Congressional reproductive policy voting patterns on PAC contributions from exogenous variation in the sex mix of legislator offspring

Evidence on the relationship between political contributions and legislators’ voting behavior is marred by concerns about endogeneity in the estimation process. Using a legislator’s offspring sex mix as a truly exogenous variable, we employ an instrumental variable estimation procedure to predict the effect of voting behavior on political contributions. Following previous research, we find that a legislator’s proportion daughters has a significant effect on voting behavior for women’s issues, as measured by score in the “Congressional Record on Choice” issued by NARAL Pro-Choice America. In the second stage, we make a unique contribution by demonstrating a significant impact of exogenous voting behavior on PAC contributions, lending further credibility to the hypothesis that Political Action Committees respond to legislators’ voting patterns by “rewarding” political candidates that vote in line with the positions of the PAC, rather than affecting those same votes - at least in this high-profile policy domain.     

法律行为框架中的股东表决权制度探析

表决权在资本多数决的股东大会决议机制下分化为意思表达权和形成权两种性质各异的权利,其原因在于股东大会决议行为的特殊法律行为属性和特殊法律效力,在于股东表决的不同性质——意思通知和单方法律行为,并由此导致对一系列关乎股东表决权的制度的重新评价和审视,如表决权排除、类别股东表决、异议股东股份购买请求权以及资本多数决的决议机制等。     

论新移民作家的中产阶级化写作

随着经济条件的优化和中国国际地位的提高,新移民的境遇已经得到极大的改善,他们在异域三十余年的积累一方面使得他们不再囿于物质条件而遭遇生存困境,另一方面,他们也逐渐实现在地融入,文化的冲突更多为文化的复合互渗、互相融合所代替。这种状况表现在创作上,就形成了新移民作家的一种中产阶级化写作倾向,描写的笔触从异域生存的艰难和冲突逐渐转向对新移民中产阶级群体内心的关注和精神的追求,探索人类普遍的生存困境及突围的途径。     

Measuring the level of social support using latent class analysis

Different instruments have been used to measure social support in epidemiological studies of which the most widely used is the Medical Outcomes Study Social Support Scale (SSS-MOS). However, these studies lack measures of the level of social support on health risks. We used latent class analysis (LCA) to distinguish subgroups with different levels of perceived social support and tested the consistency of these subgroups by their associations with the prevalence of Common Mental Disorders (CMD). This is a cross-sectional study of 1013 mothers living in the city of Salvador, Brazil in which psychosocial data were collected through home visits using the SSS-MOS and the Self Reporting Questionnaire-20. For each dimension of social support analysed here, we selected models with two classes using LCA. Multivariate logistic regression models were used to estimate the association between participants’ perceived social support and the prevalence of CMD to verify the consistency of the groups defined by LCA. There was a clear difference in the reporting of perceived social support between those classified as high or low using LCA. The probability of perceiving several types of social support was lower in the subgroup classified as low level of social support (13.7–59.8%), and it was much higher in the group classified as high level of social support (84.3–98%). A greater prevalence of CMD was found among mothers with lower levels of social support. LCA seems to be a useful tool to improve measurement of perceived social support by separation into two levels in which the lower level is associated with an increased prevalence of CMD.     

“投票悖论”的分析及其矫正——理性选择理论的“投票现象”应用批判

投票机制是民主政治的制度性保障,但它却存在着一个悖论。这一悖论可被简单地表述为：在投票参与者意识到自己的选票对结果的影响是微不足道的时候,他们往往不会牺牲闲暇以及交通成本等方面的付出到投票站投出手中的选票。美国大选仅仅具有半数左右的参与率似乎也在事实上为以上＂洞见＂提供了心理学依据和社会学依据。在试图解决投票悖论这一问题的过程中,具体分析理性选择理论是如何从一个过分武断化了的前提出发,而走向一条循环论证的死胡同的;进而希望通过为投票动机添加新的变量的方式来缓解理性选择理论的这种弊病。     

西方经济投票理论的批判性考察

伴随我国基层民主的蓬勃开展,针对投票人投票意向和投票行为研究的重要性日益凸显,西方理论界20世纪中后期以来对选民投票分析倾注大量科研资源。本文即针对西方颇具影响力的经济投票理论展开全景性回顾和归纳性评述,在检视西方投票理论研究成果的基础上,以期返观内省提升扩展我国基层选举投票行为理论分析的高度和视野,为我国基层民主研究进一步深入提供理论支持。     

Class locations,consumption locations,and the geography of voting in England

Much ecological analysis of voting patterns in England has been concerned to show (a) the importance of occupational class as a determinant of electoral behavior, and (b) that deviations from a predicted pattern based on class variables are consistent with the neighborhood effect hypothesis. Recently, Dunleavy has criticized both these orientations, replacing them with the concept of consumption locations. The present paper shows, using a new procedure to estimate voting at the constituency level, that there still remain spatial variations to be accounted for.     

Black people don't exercise in my neighborhood: Perceived racial composition and leisure-time physical activity among middle class blacks and whites

Using a sample of middle class blacks and whites living in urban and suburban areas, this article focuses on how perceptions of the racial composition of neighborhoods influence leisure-time physical activity. Using an ordinal representation of an underlying continuous indication of the perceived percentage of blacks and whites within an egocentric neighborhood, the results show that black men are significantly less likely to be physically active in neighborhoods perceived as predominately white. Alternatively, they are more likely to be physically active in neighborhoods perceived as racially diverse and predominately black. Conversely, for black women, white women, and white men, physical activity increases as the perception of one's neighborhood becomes increasingly white. Black women are significantly less likely to engage in physical activity in neighborhoods perceived as predominately black and urban. Drawing upon the intersectionality framework, I discuss how perceptions of criminalization and safety lead to different levels of leisure-time physical activity for middle class black women and men relative to their white middle class counterparts.     

Getting support in polarized societies: Income,social networks,and socioeconomic context

This paper explores how unequal resources and social and economic polarization affects the size of social networks and their use to access resources. We argue that individual resource position generates divergent expectations with regard to the impact of polarization on the size of networks on one hand, and their usefulness for accessing resources on the other. Social and economic polarization encourages reliance on informal networks, but those at the bottom of the social structure are forced to rely on more extensive networks than the wealthy to compensate for their isolated and underprivileged position. At the same time, social and economic polarization limits the resources the poor can access through their networks. We provide evidence consistent with these propositions, based on data derived from the International Social Survey Programme 2001 “Social Networks” dataset combined with contextual information on the levels of economic inequality in particular countries along with whether they experienced postcommunism.     

地方人大“票决部门预算”与治理现代化

表决是人大行使国家权力的一个重要法律程序,表决方式直接关系到人大权力和人民民主权利的实现。温岭市的"票决部门预算"以民主恳谈为载体,通过协商民主和代议制民主相结合将预算权的价值问题转换成程序问题。从程序上看,其经历了"征询预算—审议预算—修编预算—票决预算"这一系列的过程与步骤。在"治理现代化"的时代背景下,"票决部门预算"见证了表决方式的多样化发展。这对人大监督乃至人大制度建设无疑都具有实质性意义。     

中国中产阶级的增长及其现状

本文采用EAMC中产阶级分类界定,利用国家统计数据和社会调查数据,估计了中国中产阶级的规模增长,描述了中产阶级的收入和消费特征,并重点分析了中产阶级的社会政治态度.本文的基本结论是,中产阶级是经济改革和经济增长的极大受益者.尽管他们有较多的民主意识和群体利益冲突意识,但目前阶段他们仍希望维持社会的稳定和支持渐近的改革策略.     

近代苏鲁地区的初夜权:社会分层与人格异变

近代苏鲁地主对佃农拥有初夜权。这一权力的实施是社会结构异变的结果。这里的社会分化为占有大量土地的利益集团(大地主)与大量占地较少的贫民群体,社会结构演化为缺乏中间阶层的哑铃形而非金字塔形。掌握行政、军事和经济等各种权力的大地主,基本上不受程序化的法规制约,多沉湎于本能型的享受,无法追求高成就动机人格。一方面,他们利用国家优裕的政策,对贫民实施包括初夜权在内的各种超经济剥夺;另一方面,他们利用对下层民众的控制,经常策动成千上万的贫民反叛代表社会上层利益的国家,以获得更多的非法利益,他们的终极理想是成为享受更大肉欲的封建君主。     

Patience moderates the class cleavage in demand for redistribution

Previous studies on class voting have yielded mixed results linking income and demand for redistribution. Why do some poor people oppose redistribution, while some rich people support it? This article argues that an individual's level of patience, an important personal characteristic that influences how people calculate immediate and distinct outcomes, may moderate the effect of class on redistributive preference. In a one-shot game, redistribution between the rich and the poor is zero sum. When people extend their time horizons, however, the poor see the possibility of upward mobility, while the rich emphasize future losses, such as unemployment and economic instability. Consistent with the hypotheses, analyses of the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and a representative Taiwanese dataset from 2016 reveal a clear class cleavage in demand for redistribution among impatient poor and rich respondents, but the cleavage between their patient counterparts diminished. This pattern of convergence extends previous studies on upward mobility and risk perception theory.     

中间阶层的崛起与中国共产党的自身建设

随着社会经济结构的变迁和经济体制的改革,我国的社会阶层结构不断重组、分化,中间阶层崛起.中间阶层的成长与壮大,对中国共产党执政基础的巩固、执政能力的提高和意识形态的认同产生了重要影响.针对中间阶层崛起的现状,中国共产党必须进行适应性变革,转变领导体制和执政方式,巩固并扩大执政基础,增强意识形态的包容性和弹力,并注意引导...     

Patterns of intergenerational mobility of the old and new middle classes in a post-industrial society: Netherlands 1970-2006

It has often been proposed that new cleavages have emerged within the middle class. In this paper, we examine the distinction between social and cultural specialists and technocrats, and investigate whether these new and old middle class fractions are differentiated by their patterns of intergenerational mobility. To what extent do these newly distinguished middle class fractions have specific external and internal intergenerational mobility patterns? And to what extent have mobility boundaries between them been rising over time? To answer these questions, we use 47 Dutch national population sample surveys with detailed occupation codes collected between 1970 and 2006 (N = 60,978). Our analyses of internal and external homogeneity show that the middle class fractions each have characteristic mobility and immobility patterns and therefore a necessary condition is satisfied to declare them as separate classes. Furthermore, in the early periods, the social and cultural specialists were differentiated by a high level of immobility but in the later periods, the distance between the old and new middle classes has decreased significantly.     

Economic performance and public concerns about social class in twentieth-century books

What is the association between macroeconomic conditions and public perceptions of social class? Applying a novel approach based on the Google Books N-gram corpus, this study addresses the relationship between public concerns about social class and economic conditions throughout the twentieth century. The usage of class-related words/phrases, or “literary references to class,” in American English-language books is related to US economic performance and income inequality. The findings of this study demonstrate that economic conditions play a significant role in literary references to class throughout the century, whereas income inequality does not. Similar results are obtained from further analyses using alternative measures of class concerns as well as different corpora of English Fiction and the New York Times. We add to the social class literature by showing that the long-term temporal dynamics of an economy can be exhibited by aggregate class concerns. The application of massive culture-wide content analysis using data of unprecedented size also represents a contribution to the literature.