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1.
This research tests and supports the hypothesis proposed by Durkheim which relates increasing crime frequency to social differentiation as a process of sociocultural evolution. Unlike past tests of this hypothesis, the current study provides a cross-cultural sample of 121 societies representing a broad range of societal development, geographical dispersion, and cultural diversity. This examination interprets social differentiation in the broader scope of general evolutionary theory, thus providing a between society analysis of sociocultural complexity. While it is recognized that "crime" is not defined the same across all societal types, this research does examine 14 behavioral categories which are of interest to modern criminology.  相似文献   

2.
We analyze male occupational attainment using separate models in which occupational level is measured by indigenous socioeconomic index (SEI) scales, indigenous prestige scales, and a common prestige scale. Other than some consistent societal differences, the SEI scales produce highly similar results in both societies. In sharp contrast, both indigenous and common prestige scales indicate a stronger relative effect of origin (compared with education) on occupation in Great Britain. The dimensions of prestige and socioeconomic status thus seem to tap different aspects of the social mobility process, and the societies differ in the transmission of prestige but not socioeconomic status.  相似文献   

3.
Heart rate is associated with work hardness and increase linearly with its increasing. In the average of energy consumption, heart rate measurement is simple but non-accurate method for calculation of work hardness. Our purpose in this research was to evaluate the relationship between heart rate and dynamometry results with hypothesis of work hardness effectiveness on the human power. This study was conducted on 102 porcelain workers. Participants were selected randomly. The research tools include stethoscope, the dynamometer. Heart rate, and pinch, grip, and back-leg-chest force were measured and relationships between variables were analyzed with Pearson correlation test and independent T-test using Spss 16 software. The average heart rate of participants were 4.11 ± 1.79 with minimum 60 and maximum 120. The average force of pinch, grip, and back-leg-chest were 8.9 ± 3.20, 4.2 ± 4.5 and 9.36 ± 6.55, respectively. Work hardness for 3.86% of workers were light, 7.12% were moderate and 1% were heavy. Pinch, grip, and back-leg-chest force relation with heart rate were not significant (r=0.01, p=0.85), (r=-0.03, p=0.74), and (r=0.05, p= 0.59), respectively. There was no correlation between heart rate and work hardness. So we can't use the dynamometry results to determine of work hardness.  相似文献   

4.
One way to increase the use of evaluation results is practical participatory evaluation (PPE), which enables non-evaluator participants to join the evaluation process in a participatory mode. We examined the propensity for PPE of health professionals by focusing on four components: learning, working in groups, using judgment and using systematic methods. We interviewed the professionals at a Haitian health institution to determine their positioning on a scale of propensity (low, medium and high) for the four components. The professionals defined each component in relation to the energy puts into them, being more or less proactive. Facilitating elements for all three levels of propensity integration included past positive experiences, external pressure and a desire for better individual and organizational performance. Impeding factors included a lack of available resources perceived responsibilities and commitments toward private patients. The reported advantages included improved organizational performance and idea sharing, and the disadvantages included availability of, difficulty implementing solutions and altered human relationships.  相似文献   

5.
This article presents the basic elements of a theory of religious secular competition. The theory claims that individuals in many societies may choose between religious and secular options, creating a situation of competition between religious and secular organizations. The paper assumes (bounded) rationality for individuals and organizations and describes religious and secular organizations, religious and secular goods, as well as three important parameters that influence religious secular competition: regulation of supply, regulation of demand and level of societal modernization. The theory of religious secular competition explains a whole range of different phenomena, such as variations in church going in US states, variation in the attractivity of monasteries, the late secularization of Ireland, the strong religiosity of agrarian societies or the success of megachurches since the 1960s.  相似文献   

6.
Measuring attitudes about lesbian, gay, and bisexual people has proven to be a difficult endeavor. This paper describes a simple and time-effective measurement tool, the Beliefs About Sexual Minorities (BSM) scale, and describes some correlates of negative attitudes in a sample of 415 students and staff members of a large midwestern university. The BSM was highly correlated with an established scale, the Index of Homophobia, and demonstrated good content and concurrent validity with other personal and attitudinal variables. Variables that were related to negative attitudes included gender, religious beliefs, number of lesbian, gay and bisexual friends, feminism, attitudes about the acceptability of lesbian, gay and bisexual people, and the level of comfort when around lesbian, gay and bisexual people. Age showed a curvilinear relationship with negative attitudes as assessed by the Index of Homophobia. The BSM is a useful assessment tool for human service professionals who provide services to lesbian, gay, and bisexual people.  相似文献   

7.
8.
The problem of the differentiation of societies is at the core of the sociological imagination about the rise of modernity. In postwar sociology, T. Parsons developed the theory of generalized symbolic media in the mid-1960s to tackle, theoretically and historically, the issue of differentiation. According to him, the interchange media are defined as resources oriented to exchange processes between the subsystems of the social system. Starting with money, Parsons argues that the remaining media (power, influence, and value-commitments) have a set of characteristics defined as common properties for all media. After this first formulation, contemporary theorists such as Niklas Luhmann and Jürgen Habermas have developed and modified the Parsonian theory: Luhmann rejects the idea of interchange and proposes the use of communication; Habermas distinguishes between steering and communication media. In all three cases, the focus of the theory is on the characterization of the strongest dynamics of social co-ordination present in differentiated societies. A major result of these developments is the inclusion of new dimensions on which to conceive the properties of media, not only those of money but also language. Beyond differences, then, it is proposed that there is only one theory of generalized symbolic media which can be understood as a progressive research programme, in Lakatos' terms. Finally, the hand-in-hand evolution between the theory of media and Habermas' and Luhmann's re-conceptualizations on societal differentiation in contemporary societies will also be revealed.  相似文献   

9.
A classic version of convergence theory was proposed by Marion Levy as part of his theory of modernization: If and as the level of modernization increases (defined as a higher ratio of reliance upon inanimate energy and tools relative to animate energy), the level of structural uniformity among relatively modernized societies continually increases. I test this hypothesis by using the coefficient of variation (V) as the measure of convergence. I analyze a wide range of variables: level of economic development, capitalist market economy, demographic variables, technology, the state and political democracy, cognitive modernization, health, income inequality and poverty, gender particularism–universalism, and information and communications. Each variable is treated as one test of the hypothesis. The hypothesis is first tested by dividing 201 societies into quartiles representing four levels of development as of 1990, and comparing their V scores at one point in time (around the year 2000). Full confirmation of the hypothesis is a monotonic decline in V scores as we move from the least to the most developed societies; this is observed in 19 out of 51, or 37 percent, of the tests. The second set of tests is a stricter, longitudinal test of the hypothesis. Among the 21 societies already developed in 1965, as their level of development continued to rise from 1965 to the present, they became more convergent in 32 out of 45, or 71 percent, of the tests. Thus, variation in social structure is greater among less modernized than among more modernized societies, and this has implications for theories of globalization.  相似文献   

10.
Many social scientists argue that the precarious future of post‐socialist societies is determined by cultural constraints to which the actors of transformation are exposed. In contrast to this approach, the paper focuses on those developmental obstacles which are inherent to the structure of post‐socialist societies. The analysis draws primarily on social systems theory, especially on the theory of functional differentiation. In the first part, the changing role of political actors is dealt with. The competitive nature of the democratic political process have forced the new and old political actors to adopt a pragmatic and professional attitude towards their activity. Not all of them, however, have been able to adapt to the new rules of the political game. Adaptation problems are mostly faced by those political actors who played a decisive role in the initial stages of democratization on the basis of their informal political influence. The second part of the paper focuses on the changes related to the societal functions of the democratic political system. Irrespective of the ambitions of political actors, democratic politics is inherently ‘unsuitable’ for the extensive regulation of society. A democratic political system presupposes a relatively high ability of other societal subsystems to rely on self‐regulation. The absence of this ability is an important source of systemic tensions in post‐socialist societies. These two sets of changes can be characterized as the double disenchantment of politics. Both on the systemic level and on the level of actors politics has lost many attributes of a ‘privileged’ societal activity. But the process of disenchantment can give rise to demands for a revival of the politics of ‘great deeds’.  相似文献   

11.
《The aging male》2013,16(1):7-10
Introduction: Issues of men’s health have been greatly researched by scholars in recent decades. At men’s health clinics, many patients complain of both insomnia and aging males’ symptoms (AMS). These symptoms might be influenced by biological, psychological or even social factors. The aim of this study was to investigate different aspects of the relationship between insomnia and aging symptoms. Methods: This cross-sectional study included 231 males from a men’s health clinic. Participants completed a set of general data and screening assessments, including the AMS rating scale, insomnia severity index (ISI), Beck depression inventory-II (BDI-II) and Beck anxiety inventory Chinese version (BAI), to investigate the severity of aging symptoms, insomnia, depression and anxiety. Results: The ISI correlated significantly with the AMS scale, both with (partial correlation coefficient?=?0.470) and without (r?=?0.580) controlled variances of depression and anxiety. Using linear regression, aging symptoms were statistically predicted by the severity of the ISI, and a substantial proportion of the variance was explained (adjusted R2?=?0.410). When all variables were included, this proportion rose to 55.3% (adjusted R2?=?0.553). Conclusion: We suggest that insomnia is a good predictor of aging symptoms across all age groups of men.  相似文献   

12.
Analysis of a nationally representative survey of 15-year-old Canadian youth indicates how capital can be converted from one form to another by examining the use of information and communication technology (ICT) and reading achievements. Overall there is a negligible linear relationship but a pronounced curvilinear one between these variables, suggesting an optimal level of ICT use. This optimal point varies by gender (males are able to use ICT more before negative effects set in), and by parental education (with girls from highly educated homes gaining more from the use of ICT). Implications for policy and practice are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
When survey researchers are interested in measuring the personal values of respondents, they often use a rating rather than a ranking method because it is easier and faster to administer and yields data that are amenable to parametric statistical analyses. However, because personal values are inherently positive constructs, respondents often exhibit little differentiation among the values and end-pile their ratings toward the positive end of the scale. Such lack of differentiation may potentially affect the statistical properties of the values and the ability to detect relationships with other variables. Two experiments were conducted via mail surveys to general population samples to test alternative rating methods designed to increase differentiation and reduce end-piling in the rating of personal values. The results suggest that a procedure in which respondents first pick their most and least important values, then rate them (most-least), provides more differentiation and less end-piling than a simple rating procedure (rate-only). Increased differentiation for the most-least method influenced the fit of latent structure and resulted in more robust relations between the values ratings and other criterion variables. These results generalized across type of values scale, number of values rated, and number of rating points.  相似文献   

14.
Decline in the size and diversity of American's core networks has been tied to the displacement of face-to-face interaction and to lower societal well-being. Comparing core networks in the United States, Norway, and Ukraine, we reject the conclusions that frequent in-person contact predicts individual well-being and that large/diverse networks predict broader societal well-being. Individuals of lower socioeconomic status (SES) and societies with lower levels of overall prosperity have higher rates of in-person contact. Internet use is associated with higher in-person contact for the socioeconomically advantaged but lower rates of in-person contact for the disadvantaged. In-person and ICT-based contact is generally associated with maintaining a larger network, but in societies of lower well-being frequent interaction impedes the ability to maintain a large network. In contrast to the positive relationship between individual SES and network size, societal prosperity has a negative relationship to network size. Findings are discussed in relation to social support, democratic engagement, and the digital divide.  相似文献   

15.
Multiple and complex factors determine people's energy use behavior. However, policies designed to affect individual energy use behavior focus mostly on a limited number of micro, short-run and easily manipulable variables. These have produced limited response.A theoretical framework is proposed in this paper that attempts to provide a comprehensive and integrative view of energy use behavior. The framework examines variables that create and maintain particular types and intensities of energy use behavior. Based on this framework, implications for energy policies and their potential effectiveness have been drawn.  相似文献   

16.
Within modernity, social identity and solidarity are deemed to be conflicting terms on principle. What has been called the culture of difference triggers a weak solidarity anywhere. But, if it is really so, how can we explain the rise of new social solidarities, a phenomenon which is nevertheless occurring throughout Europe along with concomitant processes of fragementation and differentiation? The author's general argument is that conflicts between social identities and solidarities cannot be understood in terms of a clash between individual and holistic perspectives. We need a relational perspective. From this angle, the author tries to explain why and how a post‐modern societal balance between social solidarity and social identities (i.e. a new citizenship) is emerging today, from the society rather than from the state, in such a way as to build up new forms of interdependencies and links between identities and solidarities. Sociologically speaking, it may be that a new societal semantic is emerging, according to which citizenship is a complex of rights and duties not only of individuals but also of social groups, arranging civic life into a number of ‘universalistic autonomies’ capable of reconciling collective goals and self‐management practices, solidarity and identity issues. This is the new challenge for post‐modern societies. The name of this new game is ‘societal citizenship’ or citizenship of social autonomies, including regional ones.  相似文献   

17.
The need to adapt to economic globalization and “wicked” problems such as climate change and poverty presents enormous challenges to modern developed societies. These challenges call for new solutions, not only in the form of technological or business innovations, but also through society-wide reform and renewal. In this paper, we outline a societal innovation framework to better understand the stage on which these societal challenges are being played out. Our approach builds on the classical view that considers innovation, an (radical or incremental) improvement that is both novel in its context and deployed by people. These societal innovations change the interface of the state and civil society for stakeholder benefit.  相似文献   

18.
Conclusion Social structure and economic development largely influence the nature of social conflicts and political transformation. A combination of low political and economic integration and a high level of consolidation results in reformist conflicts. Low state intervention in the allocation and accumulation of capital reduces the probability that class conflict will be directed against the state. When state intervention is low, depoliticized, abstract market forces determine capital allocation and accumulation. In addition, low political and economic integration may give the state the appearance of serving societal interests rather than the interests of the upper class. This appearance of autonomy is reinforced by the institutions of formal democracy. As a consequence, class conflict is contained within civil society and deflected from the state. When consolidation is high, reformist conflicts against holders of capital may emerge. The United States experienced such movements in the 1930s. During the Great Depression, the state was drawn into some conflicts, but was not attacked by the working class. Today, the United States, like other advanced industrial societies, is less receptive to consolidation because of moderate levels of economic polarization, greater economic resilience, and high social differentiation. When state intervention and consolidation are low, organized groups with resources may gain economic benefits through segmented class conflict, whereas collectivities with weak solidarity and few resources remain inactive. Such is the case in the United States today.The combination of a high level of state intervention in capital allocation and accumulation with a high level of consolidation increases the likelihood of revolutionary conflict. High state intervention in capital allocation and accumulation has crucial social consequences. First, it politicizes other-wise abstract market relations. Second, it clearly reveals the state to be allied with a small circle of upper-class entrepreneurs, thereby discrediting the state's claim to serve societal interest. As a consequence, class conflict can readily assume a political character, expanding its target to include the state. A high level of consolidation enhances the capacity of challenging groups to act collectively to resist repression and seize power. Consolidation is more likely in societies with a high level of economic polarization, highly dependent economies, and low social differentiation. Russia in 1917 and Iran and Nicaragua in 1979 are revealing examples. The Russian and Nicaraguan revolutions were carried out primarily by workers and peasants, which helps explain the socialist orientation of the new leadership. In contrast, in Iran, the revolution was largely based on the conflicts and struggles of the traditional middle class, which eventually led to the formation of the theocratic state. A combination of high state intervention and low consolidation generates segmented conflict directed against the state. Many Third World societies are experiencing such a conflict today.To conclude, Marx's analysis focused primarily on social classes underemphasizing the significance of the state and its relation to society and economy. Skocpol's analysis, on the other hand, primarily focused on the state and the upper class, and failed to specify the proper, determining variables. If the analysis presented here is useful in specifying the conditions and forms of social conflicts, we must pay greater attention to social structural analysis, the nature of the relationship between the state, economy, social classes, and solidarity structures.  相似文献   

19.
20.
In this paper we present a model of tax compliance with heterogeneous agents who maximize their individual utility based on income and the conjectured level of per capita public expenditure. We formally include psychological drivers in this model. These drivers affect individual behavior, such as risk aversion, together with appreciation of public expenditure, expectations about peers’ compliance and a natural inclination to comply, all of which we summarize in a quality termed “citizenship”. The enforcement system, based on random inspections, is standard and only partially known to agents.The agent-based model is simulated under a variety of settings, representing different “societies”. We use the artificial data produced by the model to estimate the effects of taxpayers’ traits on personal tax behavior and to build a compliance societal slippery slope. At the individual level, we find a positive dependence of compliance on all variables, with the significant exception of the tax rate, which has a negative impact. As far as societies are concerned, we show how aggregate tax compliance depends on composite indices of citizenship and power, and we find that the former is more important than the latter.  相似文献   

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