Welfare Recipients or Workers? Contesting the Workfare State in New York City

This paper addresses how New York City's workfare program has structured opportunities for collective action by welfare recipients. As workfare blurs the distinction between wage workers and welfare recipients, it calls into question accepted understandings of the rights and obligations of welfare recipients and fosters new claims on the state. The concept of "cultural opportunity structures" can help to explain the political mobilization of workfare participants if it is linked to a Durkheimian tradition of cultural analysis attentive to symbolic classification. The dramaturgic approach to culture exemplified in the work of Erving Goffman can usefully complement this structural approach if a narrow focus on frames and framing processes is broadened to include interaction rituals and ceremonial profanation.     

Workfare Programs

Abstract

Workfare initially originated as an approach to guide welfare recipients towards self-sufficiency. Today, the same strategy is being utilized as a desperate means by the States to move welfare recipients into the workforce in order not to suffer further cuts in federal assistance.

This paper reviews many of the common barriers which participants experience as they attempt to move from being welfare recipients to employees. In addition, it presents effective workfare programs, identifies critically needed support services for workfare participants, and suggests policy recommendations for the future.     

From the WPA to Workfare

This paper examines two fundamentally different types of government work programs that have been implemented in the U.S. from the 1930's through the 1980's. Voluntary job creation programs, such as the Works Progress Administration in the 1930's and the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act in the 1970's, have created conflicts with the logic of capitalist production- for-profit. Contradictory regulations designed to avoid these conflicts have led to criticisms of the programs as "make-work" and inefficient. On the other hand, mandatory programs, such as workfare and the 1988 Family Support Act, have channeled welfare recipients into the low wage labor market and are consonant with production-for-profit criteria. Drawing on this analysis, principles and policies are suggested for a progressive government work program.     

Innovative Organizing Practices

ABSTRACT

The work requirements in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) set the stage for unprecedented expansion of workfare programs across the nation. Shortly after the PRWORA passed, the Los Angeles chapter of the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) began a union-style organizing drive of the 25,000 General Relief (GR) recipients in Los Angeles County's workfare program. Over the past four years the de facto union, in coalition with over 75 allied community, labor, and clergy organizations, won numerous substantive progressive policy changes in the workfare program. In a case study format, this paper describes the following innovative organizing practices and how they contributed to the workfare policy changes: (a) combining labor and community organizing strategies, (b) combining conflict tactics with direct service, and (c) developing leadership from the General Relief constituency.     

From service to social control: Implications of welfare reform for professional practice in the United States

In response to the explosive growth and the changing demographic composition of public welfare recipients, this program has undergone four major reforms over the last three decades: the 1962 'Service' amendments, the 1967 Work Incentive program (WIN), the Family Support Act of 1988, and the 1996 program of Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). These reforms have had a profound impact not only on the scope and purpose of public assistance to needy families, but also on the nature of professional social work practice in this area of public social service. An analysis of the major welfare reforms over the last 35 years reveals how the national entitlement to income maintenance and social services has receded, local responsibility and private delivery of service have increased, and emphases on service functions have shifted from rehabilitative social casework/counselling to work-oriented training, job search activities, and local employment. The provision of public assistance has been transformed from a federal entitlement based on needs to a budget-driven-time-limited benefit enveloped by incentives and sanctions, with welfare clients increasingly subject to mandatory participation in work-related activities. This movement from welfare to workfare has infused the professional role of social workers with a steadily expanding function of social control, which is unlikely to encourage professional participation in the public social services.     

Not just maternalism: marriage and fatherhood in American welfare policy

The United States' 1996 welfare reforms are often interpreted as a historical break in transitioning from supporting motherhood to commodifiying women's labor. However, this cannot account for welfare reform's emphasis upon heterosexual marriage and fatherhood promotion. The paper traces continuities and shifts in over a century of familial regulation through American welfare policy, specifying the place of marriage promotion within welfare policy. Up until 1996, families were key sites of intervention through which the American welfare state was erected, especially through single women as mothers - not wives. However, as of the 1960s, concern with African American men's "failed" familial commitments turned policymakers toward concern over marriage promotion for women and men. While marriage "disincentives" for aid recipients were lifted in the 1960s, the 1996 reforms structured a new form of nuclear family governance actively promoting marriage rooted in, but distinct from, the previous. Given the historical absence of welfare policies available to poor men, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families' (TANF) marriage promotion policies have positioned poor women as nodes connecting the state to poor men, simultaneously structuring poor women as breadwinners, mothers, and wives. Recent welfare reform has also started to target poor men directly, especially in fatherhood and marriage promotion initiatives. The article highlights how, in addition to workfare policies, marriage promotion is a neoliberal policy shifting risk to the shoulders of the poor, aiming to produce "strong families" for the purposes of social security.     

International Circumstances as Factors in Building a Welfare State: Welfare Regimes in Europe, Japan and Korea

The East Asian experiences of welfare-state building have universal implications for the sociology of the welfare state because they clearly indicate the relevance of international circumstances to welfare-state building. The convergence theory of the welfare state lays emphasis on the economic development, demographic structure, and age of the social security system. The path dependency theory regards a country's social structure and history as important. However, both these theories clearly state the importance of the domestic factors as well. On the contrary, the East Asian experiences show that the dates of the takeoff of the welfare state and the international context at that time were decisive for the subsequent development of the welfare state. The European welfare states are considered to be a by-product of "embedded liberalism." The Japanese welfare state, on the other hand, was established in the context of the worldwide stagflation of the 1970s; therefore, Japan experienced the formation and crisis of the welfare state at the same time and this is what characterized its present welfare system. The Korean welfare state emerged in the age of global capitalism and was consequently shaped by the co-occurrence of welfare and workfare. Given the above, it can be said that the international circumstances faced by each welfare state characterized the three worlds of welfare capitalism: Europe, Japan, and Korea.     

Facilitating the Welfare-to-Work Transition for Women with a Mental Health Work Barrier

SUMMARY

Since the 1996 PRWORA welfare reform act requiring workforce participation in order to receive services, evidence has emerged that many welfare recipients experience mental health work barriers. Yet, little is known about effective approaches for assisting women with a mental health work barrier in the welfare-to-work transition. This paper addresses this gap by first surveying the empirical research on mental health work barriers among welfare recipients. Second, I propose a comprehensive service provision model to identify and assist welfare recipients with a mental health barrier. Third, I review outcome data from several promising intervention strategies.     

‘In a bind’: Foster mothers' experiences with welfare reform

The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 has diminished government support to single mothers and further limits the options for full-time parenting, placing priority on work participation and reduction of welfare caseloads. Based upon interviews with 100 low-income foster mothers who are also Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) recipients, this study examines their experiences with these policies while they balance multiple responsibilities as caregivers for abused and neglected children from the child welfare system. The implications of TANF policies for foster mothers and policy alternatives that support diverse family structures are also discussed.     

Single Mothers,Work(fare), and Managed Precariousness

Welfare-to-work initiatives represent a trenchant example of the expansion of the rules and norms of global capitalism and welfare residualism. A study of the everyday experiences of women who parent alone, this article is a case analysis of the residual welfare state as it functions according to the gendered and racialized logic of the market. I examine lone mothers' experiences of the design, delivery, and enforcement of workfare in Ontario, Canada. Specific attention is given to the operation of random and limiting employment-preparation programs; ambiguous and complex regulations; capricious and punitive service delivery; and managed precariousness. I conclude with a discussion of the ways in which women cope and resist, and a challenge to social service providers and policy makers.     

Employment Among Current and Former Welfare Recipients: A Literature Review

ABSTRACT

The primary goal of welfare reform is to move recipients from welfare to work. Several factors influence the employment of welfare recipients. The purpose of this content analysis is to offer a comprehensive understanding of employment characteristics and important personal, family, and employment characteristics that either promote or deter employment among current and former welfare recipients. Social workers need a comprehensive understanding of these factors in order to design policy and social work interventions. This article is a content analysis of the results of empirical research studies. Implications and recommendations are offered based on the review of empirical research on current and former welfare recipients.     

Can work and training programs reform welfare?

Over the past thirty years the number of Americans on welfare has increased by 460 percent, generating concern about both the monetary and social costs involved. Long-term welfare dependence produces adverse outcomes for many families by distorting incentives for work and marriage. Government programs to reduce welfare have focused on work and training programs to raise the skills of welfare recipients, but these programs have not significantly reduced welfare participation. Policies to scale back welfare are essential for reducing welfare disincentives. New approaches to the delivery of education are viewed as an important preventive strategy.     

Desperately seeking fusion: on 'joined-up thinking', 'holistic practice' and the new economy of welfare professional power

This paper argues that social welfare research on joined-up thinking is underpinned by two theses. The 'systemic move' thesis suggests that joined-up thinking is needed to fill gaps in welfare service provision arising from a lack of interorganizational co-ordination. The 'epistemological move' thesis advises that joined-up thinking is needed to overcome deficiencies in the institutional division and distribution of welfare knowledge. Both theses macro-systematize blame for previous social welfare failures, and both are teleological because they present joined-up thinking as a progressive solution that results in a more effective (and thus less fallible) welfare system. In this paper, I argue thatjoined-up thinking can also create a new economy of welfare professional power. First, I show how some versions of 'joined-up' thinking manifest themselves in holistic practices that can 'see everything', 'know everything' and 'do anything', and thus a 'holistic power' to discipline and control every aspect of welfare recipients lives. Since holistic power is seen as infallible, its failure to produce 'active bodies' necessitates the creation of secondary 'joined-up powers' that individualize blame and exclude those to blame from welfare resources. These 'secondary powers' match the social disciplines enforced by one welfare agency (e.g. the responsibility to work enforced by the employment service) with legal rights under another agency (e.g. the right to housing from social landlords), so that breach of the former leads to exclusion from the latter. I conclude that this power strategy is primitive and punitive because it simply excludes welfare recipients. Exclusion is also uneconomic because it pushes welfare recipients into the shade of welfare institutional power.     

Work-related abuse: a replication,new items,and persistent questions

This study compared independently developed tools to measure work-related control, abuse, and sabotage. Interviewers administered the Work/School Abuse Scale (W/SAS; Riger, Ahrens, & Blickenstaff, 2000) to 40 welfare recipients, and a Work-Related Control, Abuse, and Sabotage Checklist (WORCASC) to a total of 162 welfare recipients, including the same 40 who answered the W/SAS. I report and compare results on W/SAS and WORCASC with 40 non-sheltered (i.e., not residing in a shelter) respondents and discuss instrument strengths and weaknesses. Measurement analyses provided preliminary empirical answers to questions about the relationship between battering and work. Findings confirmed the reliability of the two instruments, the extent to which they measure something distinct from physical abuse, and their association with relevant outcomes such as being written up, reprimanded, or losing pay at work. Measurement questions are salient in the context of debates over welfare reforms and efforts to reconcile the ways researchers, advocates, service providers, and policy makers understand and address the costs of taking a beating.     

Workfare Oz-Style

Summary

Traditional approaches to the promotion of welfare have disappeared in Australia, replaced by a new institutional order represented by welfare-cum-workfare. This has impacted on social work—both as a collective entity and as a set of practices. This paper maps the shift to workfare in Australia and examines its impacts on and implications for social work. We briefly discuss the Australian model of social protection, illustrating our own brand of “exceptionalism,” and lay out what we have termed “Workfare Oz-style.” Drawing upon neo-institutional theory, we review and analyze two key contexts where “Workfare Oz-style” is operationalized—the Job Network and Centrelink. Some tentative conclusions are given and the dimensions of a research agenda, which will put any emerging propositions to empirical test, are proposed.     

Do your duty—demand your right: a theoretical discussion of the norm of reciprocity in social work

This article presents a literature-based critique of the principle of reciprocity in welfare and social work. The norm of reciprocity is in principle an ethical, universal norm related to the whole scope of human interaction. In this article the scope has been delimited to social work and the implementation of a policy of workfare in Norway. Emphasis is given to exploring mechanisms that may explain important characteristics of implementation practices that are not always clearly visible. The discussion includes the dialectics between overarching institutional relationships such as the body of laws and existing policies, institutional practices and the practice of social workers. The norm of reciprocity is analysed as a generative mechanism that sometimes implies problematic aspects requiring critical examination and discussion. By viewing reciprocity as a generative mechanism and as a ‘starting mechanism’, problematic aspects of implementation practices may be better understood.     

Feminist Representation(s) of Women Living on Welfare: The Case of Workfare and the Erosion of Volunteer Time*

Cet article veut en premier démontrer comment l'interprétation féministe des besoins des femmes dans le contexte du travail obligatoire repose sur plusieurs interrelations au sein des groupes communautaires, puis que ces interrelations surviennent dans le contexte d'une politique publique qui a pour effet de transformer le travail volontaire et le temps volontaire à l'intérieur du secteur communautaire en exigeant que les femmes qui vivent de l'aide sociale transforment ce travail en travail obligatoire et en demandant que les groupes communautaires acceptent des placements de travail obligatoire, ce qui a pour effet de remplacer les travailleuses volontaires et de changer le sens donnéà leur travail lui-même. L'article se termine sur une discussion à propos du statut intermédiaire des groupes de femmes et sur l'évolution de la représentation des besoins particuliers des femmes dans la sphère publique/politique.
This article intends to show, first, how feminist interpretations of women's needs in the context of workfare are formed through social interactions within community groups. Second, we demonstrate that these interactions are happening within a context of a public policy that is reshaping volunteer work and volunteer time within the community sector by requiring that women living on welfare transform their volunteer work into compulsory work and by asking community groups to accept workfare placements, which result in the displacement of volunteer workers and transform the meaning of volunteer work itself. The article ends with a discussion on the intermediary status of women's groups, as well as the evolution of women's needs representation within the public/political sphere.     

A qualitative look at child care selection among rural welfare-to-work participants

The welfare reforms of 1996 changed the administration of public assistance to children and families. One of the key provisions, requiring parents to join the workforce, resulted in an expanded need for child care. Prior research demonstrates that welfare recipients, particularly in rural areas, utilize informal child care arrangements. Further, recipients in rural communities face greater challenges due to a lack of transportation, geographic spread, and less access to services. This qualitative study examined the child care selection experiences of 33 welfare recipients in six rural Northern California counties. More families selected home-based than center-based child care. During their search processes, welfare recipients utilized both formal and informal routes to locate child care providers. Parents took advantage of their connections with the social service system, but also accessed their social networks for recommendations. Rural families also reported that their choices were constrained by the available programs, transportation, and by the quality of the programs they were able to access. Given the high rate of utilization of home-based arrangements among families in welfare-to-work programs, quality of care in such programs should be improved. Recommendations for increasing quality and access, as well as supports for welfare to work participants, are discussed.     

Crafting the Neoliberal State: Workfare,Prisonfare, and Social Insecurity1

In Punishing the Poor, I show that the ascent of the penal state in the United States and other advanced societies over the past quarter‐century is a response to rising social insecurity, not criminal insecurity; that changes in welfare and justice policies are interlinked, as restrictive “workfare” and expansive “prisonfare” are coupled into a single organizational contraption to discipline the precarious fractions of the postindustrial working class; and that a diligent carceral system is not a deviation from, but a constituent component of, the neoliberal Leviathan. In this article, I draw out the theoretical implications of this diagnosis of the emerging government of social insecurity. I deploy Bourdieu’s concept of “bureaucratic field” to revise Piven and Cloward’s classic thesis on the regulation of poverty via public assistance, and contrast the model of penalization as technique for the management of urban marginality to Michel Foucault’s vision of the “disciplinary society,” David Garland’s account of the “culture of control,” and David Harvey’s characterization of neoliberal politics. Against the thin economic conception of neoliberalism as market rule, I propose a thick sociological specification entailing supervisory workfare, a proactive penal state, and the cultural trope of “individual responsibility.” This suggests that we must theorize the prison not as a technical implement for law enforcement, but as a core political capacity whose selective and aggressive deployment in the lower regions of social space violates the ideals of democratic citizenship.