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1.
The problem raised in this article is whether disabled people can and should be considered as a social group with respect to political representation. The question is first discussed on the basis of theories of social and status groups. Next, the article examines how the topic is reflected empirically at the local political level in Norway, expressed by party political leaders and elected disabled representatives. The authors suggest that disabled people can and should be considered as a social group in relation to political representation. Not doing so, they argue, will in effect delay the process towards full recognition and active political citizenship.  相似文献   

2.
李志明 《社会学研究》2012,(4):221-240,246
伴随着现代社会保障制度的改革与发展,社会保险权的发展轨迹也愈加清晰:从德国《1881年帝国诏书》中面向劳工阶级的书面性权利,到美国1935年《社会保障法案》中较为丰满的法定权利,再到1942年《贝弗里奇报告》描画的国民普享式社会权利,并经受住了20世纪70年代末以来新保守主义及其政策导向的考验,经历了从工业公民资格到社会公民资格的螺旋式演进。在这个过程中,社会保险制度呈现出的全民化、福利化和私营化趋向,已经、正在、未来必将继续影响社会保险权的发展。  相似文献   

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Social services are entering the information society. Over the past decades, information technology applications have slowly permeated service agencies. Although originally the domain of administrative and management staff, now core operational staff are also confronted with making increased use of technology. The way information management in human services is shaped is not only dependent upon technology, but increasingly seems to result from an interaction between social policy developments and information technology opportunities. Similarly, social policy developments are shaped by the existing information management infrastructure. One of the purposes of this paper is to explore–taking social services and social work as the exemplar, and mainly drawing upon experiences from the UK and the Netherlands–the relationship between new technology and the policy environment. We also reflect on whether or not this relationship is more complex than indicated by globalization and related post-Fordist theories.  相似文献   

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Both social capital and social inclusion have emerged as significant concepts for human services in the last decade and yet their inter-relationship remains largely unexplored. This article argues that, whilst they are similar in their vision for a healthy society, they adopt sufficiently different perspectives to stimulate and challenge each other. This can be well illustrated by reference to services for people with a learning disability. Commissioners and providers of learning disability services are encouraged through this article to harness both concepts in order to assist in the process of modernizing services and increasing life opportunities for the people they support. It is argued that it is not possible to understand the full consequences of adopting either theoretical position without an adequate understanding of the other. Examples are given of the implications of this for advocacy services, day opportunities, rural communities, transition and staff training.  相似文献   

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The question of whether education should be seen as an instrument of social order is an old topic in the social sciences. There exist several theories concerning this question. Two of these rival theories are dealt with in this paper. On the basis of each, historical data have been looked at anew and empirical research has been carried out into the prevailing conditions in the Netherlands. On the basis of the first theory, which was inspired by Bourdieu and which concerns economic, cultural (including educational) and social capital, data on the Dutch history between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries have been reanalysed with respect to the attitude of the diverse sections of the dominant class towards culture in general and the university in particular. Dutch history can be regarded as a national variant of the universal tensions between ‘culture’and ‘knowledge’and between ‘culture’and ‘economics’in human societies. On the basis of Bourdieu's theory it is assumed that under the prevailing social conditions elementary schools will differ in ‘educational status’in the schools market. Empirical investigation confirms this hypothesis. The ‘educational status’of elementary schools mediates (reproduces) almost all of the influence of the childrens’social background on their school career, and reinforces this influence. On the basis of the second theory, which is based on the work of Meyer, Boli and Ramirez, data on the Dutch history in the Enlightenment period have been reanalysed with respect to the rise of mass education. These historical data give substantial evidence to the theory that the construction of the nation-state is of decisive importance for the rise of mass education. Our empirical investigation, however, does not confirm the hypothesis that in the actual situation elementary schools differ in ‘comprehensiveness’. Neither schools nor parents are oriented towards integration. Rather, the contrasts seem to be getting sharper in the 1980s and the schools as well as the social classes seem to be distancing themselves further from each other. Various sections of the dominant class are busy strengthening their position of power in education. In short, the use of schools to constitute citizens does not lessen the pressure towards differentiation. Thus, the theory of Boli and Ramirez explains the rise of mass education, but cannot explain its social class bound form, a fact that can be explained very well by Bourdieu's theory. Therefore the theories of both Bourdieu and Boli and Ramirez should be regarded not as rivalizing, but as complementary.  相似文献   

6.
Community citizenship refers to the possession by members of a community of a range of social and cultural rights and responsibilities by virtue of their membership of that community and as a distinct element of their national citizenship rights. This paper deals with 'community as ethnos': viz. a cultural community that manifests itself most clearly in minority ethnic and/or religious groups. Criteria for the effective introduction of community citizenship are discussed in relation to the notion of social quality, with particular regard to its elements of community empowerment and social cohesion, along with social inclusion and socio-economic security. Prototypes of community citizenship are introduced as follows: (i) full community citizenship; (ii) partial, undifferentiated community citizenship; (iii) partial, differentiated community citizenship ('ethnic citizenship'); (iv) 'discriminated citizenship' where notional formal access to national citizenship is granted to members of all communities but is negated by institutional discrimination. It is argued that steps taken to enhance the empowerment and social cohesion of communities in the last category above can, with the consent of national government, lead to the institution of at least partial community citizenship. Die Kategorie des formellen Mitgliedsstatus ('citizenship') in einer Gemeinschaft bezieht sich auf den Besitz einer Reihe sozialer und kultureller Rechte sowie auf Verantwortlichkeiten, die den Mitgliedern einer Gemeinschaft aufgrund eben dieser Mitgliedschaft zuwächst und die zudem ein eindeutiges Element ihrer nationalen Staatsbürgerrechte darstellen. Dieser Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit 'Gemeinschaft als Ethnos' im Sinne einer kulturellen Gemeinschaft, die sich am deutlichsten in minoritären ethnischen oder religiösen Gruppen manifestiert. Unter Bezug auf die mit dem Konzept von Sozialer Qualität verbundenen Konnotationen werden die Kriterien für die formelle Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften diskutiert, und zwar insbesondere im Hinblick auf die Element des 'empowerment' von Gemeinschaften, des sozialen Zusammenhaltes, der gesellschaftlichen Inklusion und in sozio-ökonomischer Sicherheit. Es werden verschiedene prototypische Formen formeller Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften vorgestellt: (I) vollständige Mitgliedschaft; (II) partielle, nicht-differenzierte Mitgliedschaft; (III) partielle, differenzierte Mitgliedschaft ('ethnische Mitgliedschaft'); (IV) 'diskriminierte Mitgliedschaft', bei der den Mitgliedern aller Gemeinschaften zwar nominell ein Zugang zum nationalen Bürgerstatus zugestanden, dieser aber zugleich durch institutionelle Diskriminierung wieder negiert wird. Das Argument geht dahin, daß durch Schritte zu einer Verstärkung des 'empowerment' und des sozialen Zusammenhaltes in Gemeinschaften der letztgenannten Kategorie mit Zustimmung der nationalen Regierung die Institutionalisierung einer zumindest partiellen Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften herbeigeführt werden kann. La ciudadania comunitaria se refiere a la posesión por parte de miembros de la comunidad de un amplio rango de derechos sociales y culturales asi como de responsabilidades en su calidad de miembros de una comunidad y como un elemento distintivo de sus derechos nacionales de ciudadania. Este articulo trata de 'la comunidad como etnos': el tipo de comunidad que se manifiesta más claramente en grupos étnicos minoritarios y/o religiosos. Se discuten los criterios para la introducción efectiva de la ciudadania comunitaria relacionándolos con la noción de calidad social, con especial mención a sus elementos de apoderamiento comunitario y cohesión social, junto con los referidos a la inclusión social y seguridad socioeconómica. Se introducen diferentes prototipos de ciudadania comunitaria: (i) plena ciudadania comunitaria; (ii) ciudadania communitaria parcial y no diferenciada; (iii) ciudadania comunitaria parcialy y diferenciada ('ciudadania é'); (iv) 'ciudadania discriminatoria' donde el concepto formal de acceso a la ciudadania nacional está garantizada para todos los miembros de la comunidad pero negada por la discriminación institucional. Se argumenta que los pasos en la dirección de favorecer el apoderamiento y la cohesión social de las comunidades en la última categoria pueden lievar, con el consentimiento del gobierno nacional, al menos a la creación de una ciudadania comunitaria parcial. La citoyenneté communautaire se réfère à la possession par les membres d'une communauteé d'un ensemble de responsabilités et de droits culturels et sociaux, en vertue de leur appartenance à cette communatué et en tant qu'élément distinct de leurs droits de citoyenneté nationale. Cet article traite de 'la communauté comme ethnos', c'est à dire d'une communauté qui se manifeste le plus clairement dans les groupes ethniques et/ou religieux minoritaires. Les critères d'une présentation efficace de la citoyenneté comunautaire sont abordés en lien avec la notion de qualité sociale, avec une attention particulière apportée à ses éléments de capacitation ('empowerment') communautaire et de cohésion sociale, ainsi qu'à l'intégration sociale et la sécurité socio-économique. Des modèles de citoyenneté communautaire sont présentés comme suit : 1) citoyenneté communautaire totale; 2) citoyenneté communautaire partiale et indifférenciée; 3) citoyenneté communautaire partiale et différenciée ('citoyenneté ethnique'); 4) 'citoyenneté discriminatoire', quand l'accès imaginaire formel à la citoyenneté nationale est accordé aux membres de toutes les communautés mais est nié par la discrimination institutionnelle. Les auteurs soutiennent que les étapes vers un renforcement de l'empowerment et de la cohésion sociale des communautés de cette dernière catégorie peuvent, avec le consentement du gouvernement national, mener à l'instauration d'une citoyenneté communautaire moins partiale.  相似文献   

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Innovation in social services and social policies in the European welfare systems is an evolving phenomenon stimulated by socio-demographic, cultural and economic changes. Many social service innovations are linked to disruptive technologies, especially the introduction of information and communication technology (ICT). To discuss the effects of disruptive technologies on health and social services, this article first proposes a framework consistent with the social innovation paradigm. Secondly, based on case-studies, it investigates different models of social and health service innovation driven by technology. The article shows advantages and disadvantages of service innovation driven by technology, and offers some final remarks about future challenges for ICT in health and social services. More evidences of effectiveness and efficiency are necessary to promote public and private investment to implement solutions on a wider scale. However, the impacts of technology-based solutions cannot be measured only in terms of economic aspects but also taking into account whether new technologies really provide the opportunity for citizens to have a better life and advocacy for their rights.  相似文献   

9.
This article reports on qualitative research among 48 social professionals, managers and policymakers and their perceptions of activating citizenship, social work roles and responsibilities, carried out in Utrecht and Tartu. Professionals from both countries agreed to the idea of activating citizenship but stressing the perspective of personalised or lived citizenship, each person to his own capacities and embedded in the personal context. Nearly all respondents were critical about the recognition of social workers as a full profession, about the new management way of steering social work and about cooperation between different groups of professionals and services. Although both countries have quite different historical and cultural backgrounds, the authors found many similarities among social workers regarding their ideas on support, participation and commitment to the people they work for and work with. International research projects contribute to a more strongly recognised social work theory and social work practice by getting a better understanding, in particular of the way social work adapts to different contexts but from a highly recognisable international discourse within social work.  相似文献   

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This paper explores the extent to which social activity in England and Wales varies by ethnic group and whether risks of social isolation are higher for some groups than others. It aims to enhance our understanding of social deprivation as a particular dimension of poverty and its variation by ethnicity. It also provides empirical evidence that informs discussions of social capital formation which focus on informal measures of participation, and amplifies our understanding of ethnic capital within groups. Estimating the characteristics associated with four measures of social activity together, using a multivariate probit model, the analysis identifies the extent to which ethnic group is associated with low participation on any given measure. Cross-equation correlations between observables within the model can additionally indicate an underlying propensity to social isolation. The paper concludes that there are distinctive patterns of social activity across ethnic groups, that social isolation is not coterminous with material deprivation, and that greater attention should be paid to social isolation as a particular dimension of deprivation that is unevenly distributed.  相似文献   

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The emergence of new social strata and plural identities are two of the most profound changes in China's social transition toward integration into the global economic system. Differentiating three dimensions of cultural citizenship identity (i.e., cosmopolitan, national, and local), this study seeks to depict the paths of influence in the formation of such identities that involve reality construction by the media and evolving patterns of social stratification. Analysing data from a 2009 Shanghai survey, we found a strong relationship between individuals' consumption of local media contents and their local identity. Further, their perceptions of media's centripetal and centrifugal forces have significant effects on their identities, and the Internet has different effects from the traditional media, although such influences vary across different social strata.  相似文献   

15.
In this paper we consider some contributions made by postmodern perspectives to theoretical and political questions of citizenship and social justice. Postmodern theory is often dismissed as a distraction from pressing questions of material inequality and economic and political exploitation. In the paper we distinguish between ‘ludic’ or ‘spectral’ postmodernisms and ‘oppositional’ or ‘resistance’ postmodernisms. We suggest that the latter provide theoretical resources for analysing the cultural construction of inequalities and struggles around social inclusion and exclusion. The paper is divided into three sections: in the first, three dominant narratives of modernization are addressed and their implications for concepts of citizenship and social inclusion noted; in the second, some postmodern challenges to these narratives are explored in order to disclose some of the key problems with modern paradigms of citizenship and social justice; in the third section we outline two postmodern approaches to the analysis of social struggles and their contributions to debates about citizenship.  相似文献   

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Social support, increasingly put forth as a fundamental in helping multiproblem families to avoid placement, is a complex construct not easy to define and far more difficult to carry out conceptually and practically. This article describes four family support programs that illustrate certain common denominators for implementation.  相似文献   

19.
SUMMARY. The examination of the contribution of social factors to child health status by linking mortality and morbidity to social class as defined by parental occupation is critically reviewed. An alternative approach to examining links between health and social factors is proposed that consists in defining several basic environmental needs of children that must be met to ensure their health status is optimised. For each basic need (housing, income, diet, quality of affectionate care etc.) it is proposed that minimal criteria or a ‘bottom-line’ be set below which it should be generally agreed that an unacceptable level of disadvantage exists. The approach is described in outline, but to a sufficient degree to demonstrate that it is already feasible in some respects, although clearly many details would need to be worked out in others  相似文献   

20.
It has long been recognised that deaf people experience barriers to political participation and that notions of citizenship do not take into account the needs of deaf sign language users. In light of an effort at the European level to increase the potential for deaf sign language users to participate in political processes through technology, this paper provides results from a survey study of deaf sign language users across Europe as to their preferences in using Telecommunications Relay Services (TRS), whether they would like to see the establishment of a pan-European multilingual TRS and if they would make use of such a service for the purposes of political participation. Responses from 74 deaf people across 14 European member states confirm that deaf people want to see such a service, and would be willing to use it in order to make contact with European institutions. Therefore, the establishment of such a service has the potential to contribute to improved access to, and increased willingness to engage in, democracy through telecommunications and thus enhance the citizenship status of deaf Europeans, and therefore enhance their political participation and access to information and communication in society.  相似文献   

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