Border Lines: Indigenous Peoples in Genocide Studies*

L'histoire des peuples autochtones ne figure pas parmi les sujets qui sont traités dans la recherche comparée en génocide. Les auteures examinent l'approche conceptuelle qui a conduit à cette lacune en s'attardant à la terminologie employée et à la distinction qu'impose la typologie du génocide entre génocide idéologique et génocide provoqué par l'expansion d'un groupe aux dépens d'un autre, et en soulignant l'importance qui est rattachée dans cette même typologie à la logique qui motive les régimes coupables de génocide. On examine également la relation qui existe entre génocide des peuples autochtones et ceux des autres peuples, ceci en relation avec trois critères d'analyse, soit la réaction des persécutés, le processus de guérison et la quête de justice. À la suite de cet examen, on démontre qu'une approche plus globale dans l'étude comparée du génocide, approche qui reconnaîtrait l'enver-gure des génocides des peuples autochtones, serait à l'avantage des chercheurs. Enfin, les auteures font remarquer que l'approche foncièrement européenne dans la recherche en génocide a pour effet de circonscrire le débat. The experiences of indigenous peoples have been left outside the framework of comparative genocide research. We first discuss conceptual reasons for this omission, focussing on the role of genocide definitions, ideological vs. developmental distinctions in genocide typologies, and the emphasis in genocide typologies on the motivations of perpetrators. We then illustrate the relation between indigenous genocides and other genocides by examining three important foci of genocide studies: responses, healing and justice. From these comparisons and contrasts, we conclude that a broader comparative approach that acknowledges the importance of indigenous genocides would contribute significantly to genocide studies. Finally, we note that adherence to European world views in genocide studies limits the potential for constructive analysis.     

Twenty years on: finding a place for the Rwandan genocide in education

The Rwandan genocide was perhaps the most paradigmatic human rights catastrophe in the post-Holocaust era, which challenged the mantra of ‘never again’. Yet as we approach the twentieth anniversary, it remains a relatively marginalised entity within mainstream English education. This paper argues that a study of the Rwandan genocide introduces a number of important issues, which are not emphasised within Holocaust education. It also draws upon a small-scale empirical study of 41 teachers’ attitudes in England, perceptions and experiences of teaching the genocide in a range of disciplines and demonstrates emerging patterns on how it is integrated into curricula and individual lessons. It concludes by advocating the study of the Rwandan genocide in its own right and the importance of students appreciating its contemporary relevance.     

Thinking with Bourdieu Against Bourdieu: A 'Practical' Critique of the Habitus

There are two strands in Bourdieu's sociological writings. On the one hand, Bourdieu argues for a theoretical position one might term his "practical theory" which emphasizes virtuosic interactions between individuals. On the other hand, and most frequently, Bourdieu appeals to the concept of the habitus according to which society consists of objective structures and determined—and isolated—individuals. Although Bourdieu believes that the habitus is compatible with his practical theory and overcomes the impasse of objectivism and subjectivism in social theory, neither claim is the case; the habitus is incompatible with his practical theory, and it retreats quickly into objectivism. However, Bourdieu's practical theory does offer a way out of the impasse of objectivism and subjectivism by focussing on the intersubjective interactions between individuals.     

Narrating Genocide: Time,Memory, and Blame

More than 20 years have passed since the Rwandan genocide, yet we know little about how Rwandans remember the violence. This article draws upon more than 100 interviews with genocide survivors to assess collective memories of the atrocity. We find that survivors organize their narratives by conceptualizing the genocide as a watershed event that divides time into two distinct eras. When discussing the pregenocide period, survivors focus on macrolevel events and structures, locating blame for the genocide in institutions rather than on Rwandan citizens. By contrast, narratives of life after the genocide focus on perceived progress since 1994. We interpret these findings in light of the state's memory projects, the potential functionality of the memories, and the time needed for collective memories to resonate.     

Forced Displacement in Darfur, Sudan: Dilemmas of Classifying the Crimes

The ongoing forced displacement in Darfur has occasioned renewed interest in the phenomena of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Whereas the international response to the conflict has been considered promptly and elaborately by various analysts, few have paid sufficient attention, in the first instance, to the controversy surrounding the debate about the definition of the situation and the classification of crimes involved. Following an overview of the current conflict, the unfolding analysis seeks to show that the terminological debate reveals discrepancies in legal definitions and interpretations that may suggest that existing law may be inadequate to fully capture the nature of the crimes committed in Darfur. Confusion with the terminology has contributed to making the conflict more intractable. In addition, disagreement on a common definition of the situation has tended to justify inaction or limited involvement on the part of the international community. This article suggests that it is therefore necessary to resolve the terminological debate in order to ensure that no energy is wasted in arguing about the indeterminacy of the terms in the future and effective responses to mass violations of human rights are crafted in a timely fashion.     

Genocide as Contentious Politics

Despite a recent turn towards the study of political violence within the field of contentious politics, scholars have yet to focus their lens on genocide. This is puzzling, as the field of collective action and social movements was originally developed in reaction to fascism (Nazism in particular), while research on collective action and research on genocide has long shown parallel findings and shared insights. This paper reviews the history of this scholarly convergence and divergence, and suggests that recent findings of research on genocide can be improved by the consideration of concepts from social movements and collective action. It then details three theories of the micro‐mechanisms that mobilize individuals for contention – framing, diffusion, and networks – and specifies how they refine existing explanations of civilian participation in genocide. In the conclusion, I suggest that a contentious politics approach to genocide would consider it one form of collective action among others, analyzable within the existing framework of collective action and social movement theory.     

THE "BANALITY OF EVIL" REFRAMED: The Social Construction of the "Final Solution" to the "Jewish Problem"

Research on the Nazi Holocaust against the Jews has arguably been dominated by historians. Yet many historians remain confounded by the Holocaust's major paradox: the "banality of evil" that occurred during the Nazi regime. In this article I argue that understanding of the "banality of evil" paradox can be advanced by reframing previously unsynthesized research in terms of a constructionist theory of social problems. I view the "Jewish problem" and its "final solution" as having a "natural history" that is characterized by the development and unfolding of claims about problems and the formulation and implementation of solutions to problems. I trace the construction of the "Jew" throughout history and as it was identified, acknowledged, and applied in a particular sociocultural and political context. By providing the first application of constructionism to a genocidal event, I show that the social processes that construct genocide parallel those that construct other social problems, and that it is precisely this correspondence that makes the construction of the "Jewish problem" and its "final solution" banal.     

A tale of two ontologies: an immanent critique of critical realism

In this article is it argued that critical realism has two mutually exclusive definitions of ontology. Ontology is defined as both a fallible interpretation of reality and as a definitive definition of a reality beyond our knowledge claims. A slippage in meaning occurs from the former to the latter, as critical realists try to justify the claim that their ontology ought to supply the terms of reference for all scientific research. Rather than defend an alternative ontology, it is argued that ontology needs to be defined in terms of fallible interpretations of social reality. This necessitates the revision and replacement of ontological theories in the course of an on‐going critical dialogue about reality, and precludes the use of one fixed ontology to supply the terms of reference for the sciences. ²     

"Disease Incarnate": Biopolitical Discourse and Genocidal Dehumanisation in the Age of Modernity

Abstract  This paper traces the development of the concept of the outgroup as a biological threat, and the relationship of this concept to the practice of genocide. The biopolitical discourse which emerged in the modern period made the practice of genocide conceivable, and constructed genocide as justifiable and as necessary. Two developments in the modern period are highlighted: firstly, the conception of the boundaried and ethnically homogenous nation-state, and secondly, new biological theories about race, and about the spread of disease. Discourse emerging from the biological sciences dehumanised outgroups both literally and metaphorically. This dehumanisation, in combination with the ideal of the homogenous nation-state and the new technologies of population, provided a justification and a motivation for genocide, and a model of implementation. Conceptions of the nature of dehumanisation as a process are examined, with specific reference to the role of language and metaphor, and to concepts of hygiene, purity and contamination. Particular attention is paid to eugenics and Social Darwinism, to the role of physicians in genocide, and to the relationship between medical and military vocabularies. The features of this discourse, its persistence, and its commonality in otherwise widely different genocidal episodes, are exposed through an examination of four twentieth-century genocides (Armenia, Nazi genocide, Cambodia, and the former Yugoslavia).     

Post‐genocide justice: The Gacaca courts

In the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide, the crippled formal judicial system failed to administer justice in a timely manner. A modified version of the traditional Gacaca courts was introduced to hear cases from the backlog of over 100,000 genocide suspects. We find that the Gacaca courts performed well relative to the formal justice system, given the constraints faced. The Gacaca courts generated valuable information about the genocide suspects and increased access to the justice system. The introduction of the Gacaca courts improved the performance of the formal justice system and facilitated post‐conflict recovery.     

Gendering the Bone: The Politics of Memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina1

This article explores and intervenes in the deadlock produced by the identifications of bodily remains resulting from genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Every day, in that country, bodily remains are exhumed, counted, reassociated, managed and consecrated as ethnic remains. This is done through the strategic collaboration of forensic science; multiculturalist post‐conflict management, with its politics of reconciliation; and religious ritual — an uncouth alliance between the scientist, the bureaucrat and the priest. In doing so, the scientist, the bureaucrat and the priest assume the perspective of the perpetrator of the crime. For it is in the fantasy of the perpetrator that the executed person is an ethnic other. The article intervenes by posing the question: what different praxis could deactivate the reification of bones as ethnic victims, would stop the prolongation of the injurious gaze of the perpetrator and would return the bones to common use through which we can contemplate hope after genocide? In other words, what is the politics that will enable us to be hopeful subjects in relation to these bones? Drawing on cultural production in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the article both challenges and goes beyond current mainstream political choices. Thus, it identifies and strengthens hopeful politics in cultural‐as‐political practices that productively bear witness to the precariousness of life. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is mainly women artists who harness traumatic events and the loss of the past and present in order to announce a more hopeful politics. What this hopeful politics after genocide is, through what praxis is it enacted, and by which subjects are the main concerns of this article.     

Victims of the Genocidal Mind: Societal Indicators and Individual Case Treatment Considerations

This paper uses the theoretical lens of object relations and takes the position that the paranoid-schizoid position and the related mechanism of projective identification—cornerstone pathology found in the phenomenon of fascism and totalitarianism—are not atypical, but rather live within the seemingly normal individual. Using Rwanda as a case example, the author illustrates the continuum of beliefs and actions that can result in genocide, and then describes some of the treatment considerations facing the clinician dealing with victims of genocide.

Nationalism in America: The case of the Populist movement

As a marker of national identity, the term American is culturally meaningful but also difficult and contradictory. In the first part of this article, we develop the claim that analyzing nationalism as discourse provides a meaningful lens for the study of this boundary-making process. In particular, the distinctions between civic/ethnic and inclusive/exclusive forms of nationalism have proved nettlesome for a consideration of American nationalism. In the second half of the article, we use data from the Southern Populist movement of the late nineteenth century to provide both relational and cultural analyses of the use of the term American. Although its use was primarily civic, it had important but complex racial implications.     

Lesbians Define Themselves: Diversity in Lesbian Identification

Ninety-nine self-identified lesbians provided definitions of what being a lesbian meant to them. A content analysis revealed two major categories: politically-based definitions and nonpolitical definitions. The political definitions included two highly interrelated subgroups, one of definitions based on woman-identification and the other including a broader world view that included affiliations with other oppressed groups. Nonpolitical definitions included four subgroups; those who defined lesbianism as sex/love with women, lesbianism as a true essence, just happening to love a woman, and lesbianism as only one small aspect of the person. There were only a few differences between women who cited political definitions and those with nonpolitical definitions. Lesbians who provided political definitions were more likely to identify themselves as feminists, were more involved in political activities and slightly more of them had a history of depression and eating disorders. Lesbians who provided nonpolitical definitions were more likely to have children, to have been raised in a conservative religion, and to think that they were born as lesbians. Various interpretations of the categories of definitions are provided.     

Glossing inadequacies: problems with definitions of key concepts in some methodology texts

It is argued in this paper that a significant number of definitions of terms provided in currently available methodological texts are inadequate or positively misleading. Some do not cover the main meaning of the term but focus instead on a non-standard one. Others fail to pick out the distinctive features of what is being defined. There are also those that fail to indicate relationships to related terms or those with similar meanings. Finally, there are some definitions that are simply incorrect in significant respects. It is argued that defective definitions are worse than useless and are a disservice to students.     

Binge drinking: not the word of choice

Educators and researchers strive to use terms that reflect a replicable measure of behavior. A term commonly used to describe drinking of a problematic nature is binge drinking. Binge drinking defines behavior by a number of drinks of an alcoholic beverage consumed in a space of time. The authors argue that the term does not describe drinking behavior that students believe is problematic. They claim that students define problem drinking not in terms of quantity, but rather by the outcome (and occasionally by frequency), and attribute different negative connotations to the term binge. They suggest using a term that has shared meaning with students, such as dangerous drinking, to describe the drinking behavior that results in undesirable or unintended consequences.     

European challenges in delivering social services in rural regions: a scoping review

This article presents an overview of the challenges facing the diverse rural regions of Europe in delivering social services to its citizens. This is at a time of significant socio-economic and demographic change in Europe. Changes include the impact of globalisation, European integration, population ageing, international and regional migration and restructuring of employment. The uneven impact of change is transforming rural regions in different ways. The article uses findings from a scoping review of the literature that explored different definitions and policy dimensions of the term ‘rural social services’. A desktop search was undertaken of social services and rural policy literature published in the English language, from 1996 to 2007, and the limitations of this are acknowledged. This narrative review aims to scope the broad nature of challenges facing rural regions with regard to social services provision. The findings are grouped in sections exploring definitions, common trends and debates, key questions and underlying paradigms. The article concludes that policy makers and social work professionals may find it useful to take a wide view of existing literature while recognising that it is often limited and compartmentalised.     

College students define binge drinking and estimate its prevalence: results of a national survey

Data from the 1999 College Alcohol Study were used to examine how students define the term binge drinking, to determine how much binge drinking the students think exists on their campuses, and to analyze how students' estimates compare with aggregated self-reports of student drinking. The findings indicate that the median of the students' definitions of binge drinking is 6 drinks in a row for men and 5 for women, 1 drink higher than the definition used by researchers. Students' definitions of binge drinking vary with their own drinking levels, suggesting that dissenting views of the research definition may represent voices of the heaviest drinkers. At the median, students estimated that 35% of all students were binge drinkers. Half (47%) of the students underestimated the binge drinking rate at their school, 29% overestimated it, and 13% were accurate. Although programs designed to reduce the frequency or prevalence of binge drinking by emphasizing healthier norms would be most useful in addressing binge drinkers who overestimate drinking norms, this group includes only 13% of college students.