Causation and Behavior: The Necessity and Benefits of Incorporating Evolutionary Thinking into Political Science

Political science now recognizes that both biological and social factors are significant to the expression of political phenomena. While necessary, this development has significant theoretical and methodological consequences. The recognition of biological and social factors complicates, rather than simplifies, the study of political phenomena by requiring a more complex model of behavioral causation.Objective.To adapt to this complexity, political science must familiarize itself with the study of behavior in the life and evolutionary sciences and adopt a consilient behavioral model. Method.To assist with this development, this article familiarizes political scientists with the principles on causation as they relate to behavior. It also reviews the most common approaches to studying behavioral causation in the evolutionary sciences. Conclusion.The article discusses the practical benefits of incorporating evolutionary thinking into the study of politics, including the importance of evolutionary thinking for problems of omitted variable bias.     

Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media

The media is often referred to as a social institution in that it is a major element of contemporary Western society. Through the media, social processes create narratives or stories within interpretative frameworks that are embedded in the cultural and political assumptions of the wider society. Since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001, the media has played a crucial role in the developing discourse on contemporary terrorism. In the Australian context, this discourse has emerged as one which implicates Australian Muslims, constructing them as a homogenous monolith with an underlying implication that Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, is secular resistant and at odds with the values of the liberal democratic state. Several textual analyses attest to the bias against Muslims in the popular Australian media discourse. However, there have been no studies into how Australian Muslims are interpreting and responding to this discourse. Based on research into the attitudes and perceptions of the media among Australian Muslims, this paper argues that the interpretation of the media discourse as defiantly anti‐Muslim and the perception of the media as a powerful purveyor of public opinion has impacted on the construction of Australian Muslim identity. In responding to this discourse, Australian Muslims are creating new narratives of belonging which either reinforce or reject the underlying messages that situate them outside mainstream Australia.     

20世纪40年代中原“半拉报”现象解析--以《阵中日报》和《正义报》为例

20世纪40年代，中原地区部分报纸的主要版面代表统治阶级的立场观点，副刊却在一定程度上表达了民主进步的思想，这种副刊与正刊背道而驰的状态被称作“半拉报”。“半拉报”现象在中原两次出现，有着深厚的社会背景与历史原因。政治势力之间的角逐与力量消长，酝酿了相关文化的生存环境；作家兼报人的责任意识，打造了传播进步文化与民主诉求的阵地；历史文化的积淀融入独特的区域氛围，成就了个性鲜明的表达方式。     

户主意志主导“海选”分析——以曲陂村为个案研究

村委会直接选举亦称“海选”，指在选举过程中，不预先设定候选人，由选民按照相关规则进行公决的政治制度。长期以来，学界一直认为地方政府的行政能力和村庄的宗族势力在影响着这一中国农村民主制度的成长。而本文却从实证主义出发，从目前学界忽视的一个理论视角——户主意志主导了“海选”，透过“海选”中的户主意志形成的政治的、经济的原因，发现户主意志是为了自身的家户利益而控制手中的选票，这种因个人专断而流失公共权利的行为对农村民主制度建设带来了不得后果。而改变此现状的政治路径是推进农村民主现代化和民主社会化。     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。     

追求公共善：当代西方对公民责任的研究

公民责任是指公民履行与其公民身份相适应的、符合社会公共善的义务以及对行为后果的承担。当代西方公民责任研究的兴起有历史和现实两方面的原因。历史地看,西方公民理论家无论主张积极的还是消极的公民资格都承认良好的公民素质对于民主制度的建立、稳定和发展是必不可少的,因此都对公民责任持肯定态度。现实原因则既是政治话语自然递进的结果、是民主实践发展的需要也是对过度强调的权利的修正。当代西方对公民责任的研究主要从四方面展开:其一,公民责任是公民维护民主政治的义务;其二,公民责任被视为公民美德的体现;其三,公民的核心责任是政治参与;培养公民责任具有多种途径等等。     

The development of some characteristics for equitable national retirement income systems

The objective of this paper is to establish and apply a set of characteristics or benchmarks for a nation's total retirement income system to be considered equitable. It must be stressed that the suggested characteristics do not, by themselves, design a national retirement income system. Indeed, it is recognized that the political, historical, economic and cultural context of each country will always influence such designs. However, this paper will demonstrate that different designs of national retirement income systems are not equally effective when subjected to these equity criteria. Hence, in putting forward these characteristics, the aim is to develop clear distinctions between equitable and inequitable national retirement income systems.     

Seizing the cultural and political moment and catching fish: Political development of Māori in New Zealand, the Sealord Fisheries Settlement, and social movement theory

Why did Māori issues and treaty grievances become politically salient in the 1970s? I argue that contemporary social movement theory, which examines both political opportunities and the use of cultural resources by emerging movements helps to answer this question. A unique moment coalesced in the 1970s and 1980s, bringing together favorable political and cultural variables for Māori not altogether present in previous eras. I locate the negotiation of the 1992 Sealord Fisheries Settlement in this cultural and political moment and evaluate the social and political consequences for Māori and the New Zealand Government.     

从基要主义到恐怖主义全球化时代的宗教政治

1970年代以来全球宗教复兴和宗教政治的发展，是全球化背景下社会运动的一种形式和表现。宗教基要主义和恐怖主义作为一种宗教运动，反映了对主导性的全球化意识形态的反抗，以及对全球化方案的替代性选择。这可以被界定为一种文化政治或认同政治。政治伊斯兰作为当今最突出的宗教基要主义和恐怖主义，一方面反映了全球社会运动和宗教运动的一般特征；另一方面则也是美国霸权和意识形态人为制造的结果。针对亨廷顿的文明冲突论，本文作者认为，当今的宗教与政治冲突更多地是反映了一种不同基要主义之间的冲突，而非不同文明之间的冲突。     

加入WTO,确立有中国特色的规则文化

“规则文化”是一种对文化行为的规范与约束 ,它不仅是人自我提升和解放的需要 ,更成为社会进步和人类文明发展必不可少的条件和动力。伴随中国加入WTO ,在与国际惯例接轨的过程中 ,吸收借鉴近代西方民主政治思想的精华 ,立足于本国国情 ,建立健全我国民主文化与法制文化 ,确立具有中国特色的“规则文化” ,刻不容缓。     

The Political Consequences of Outsider Labour Market Status in the United States: A Micro‐level Study

This article contributes to recent research that seeks to understand the political consequences of ‘outsider’ labour market status. There is an emerging consensus that labour market outsiders have systematically different policy preferences and display systematically different political behaviour to securely employed ‘insiders’ in Europe. Yet the political consequences of outsider status in the USA are less clear. They may be expected to differ from those that have been documented in the European context, because: (1) the USA is characterized by low employment protection of insiders; and (2) there is evidence that Americans are more reluctant than Europeans to hold governments responsible for personal economic hardship. We therefore use the General Social Survey to examine how outsider labour market status is related to voting behaviour and to social policy preferences in the USA. We find that the concept of ‘labour market outsider’ – as conventionally operationalized – holds little explanatory power in the American context. Disaggregating the outsider category, our results suggest that the political consequences of outsider labour market status may be contingent on individual beliefs about government responsibility.     

政治文化视角:20年代中国文学的接受阐释

选择政治文化的视角 ,重估 2 0世纪初新文学建设 ,有三种文学接受方式值得注意。一是新文学运动传递的信息 ,是发动者组织者的政治观念的文学显现 ;二是新文学的创作者和一般阅读者文学价值的寻找 ,在于政治与现实问题密切联系中的文学期待 ;三是新文学的生产者经营者经济利益与文学关系的调节 ,形成了一种特殊的文学接受形式 ,整合的政治经济驱动了文学的生产过程。由此 ,文学与政治不再是简单的五四启蒙者与接受者之间的被动关系 ,而是多重政治文化因素的互动和影响。新文学的发生发展将在大的文化语境中获得新阐释 ,呈现丰富现象和形态     

共治民主：应对气候变化的民主模式初探

应对气候变化是一个特殊的公共领域。为应对气候变化,民族国家和国际政治都已经悄然发生并将继续发生调适性变化,这就是共治民主的形成。在这一人类活动领域,无论聚合民主还是协商民主,抑或一种局限于二者之中的参与民主概念,都不敷使用。共治民主是利益相关各方共同合作或自主实现公共利益的过程;它是共治定向的而非共识定向的;它是合作的,而非博弈的;它是社会的,而非政治的。     

论政治文明建设

政治文明是人类文明整体的重要组成部分 ,在人类文明系统中发挥着关键性的作用。物质文明建设和精神文明建设有赖于政治文明建设的协调发展。因此 ,我们在加强物质文明建设和精神文明建设的同时 ,必须高度重视政治文明建设。在我国进入全面建设小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化的新的发展阶段 ,建设社会主义政治文明 ,其实质就是要发展社会主义民主政治。     

从边缘到主流：集体行动框架与文化情境

基于一个动员框架发生显著变化的社会运动案例,本文分析了主导运动前后两个阶段的动员框架及其转变机制。研究发现,框架转变源于社会运动领袖的策略性选择,转变背后体现的是动员框架与运动所处的宏观文化情境之间的微妙联系。具体而言,第一阶段的动员框架使用了文化情境中的边缘价值,动员效果并不理想;第二阶段,社会运动领袖对动员框架进行策略性的调整,将其与文化情境中的主流价值靠拢,在动员取得突破之后,又将边缘价值带回动员框架。随着运动的扩大,这些边缘价值被广泛传播与推广,并在运动之后延续下来,重塑了文化情境。     

利益认同与社会主义核心价值认同——以化解社会风险为视域

利益是价值的尺度,可以用利益认同来推动价值认同。党和国家领导人高度重视社会风险问题,化解社会风险可以实现利益认同,进而转化成社会主义核心价值认同。建立利益机制化解社会风险,推动社会主义核心价值认同,体现在四个方面：化解经济风险,巩固核心价值认同的物质基础;化解政治风险,创造核心价值认同的民主前提;化解文化风险,营造核心价值认同的人文氛围;化解公共风险,改善核心价值认同的安全环境。     

ECONOMIC RATIONALISM VERSUS THE COMMUNITY: REFLECTIONS ON SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND STATE CAPACITY

In the context of calls for a ‘third way’ which proposes the abandonment of many of the social democratic and statist commitments of the postwar era, this paper reviews both the responsibilities accepted by peak bodies such as ACOSS and those that ought to be retained by government. It is sceptical of claims that social policy debates in Australia lead to the conclusion that welfare state development here has been satisfactory. Social democratic objectives (derived from intellectual contributions in the 1940s and 1950s as well as from the comparative political economy of the 1980s and 1990s) emphasize more decommodified provision of services than can be readily admitted in Australia. If the demand for social welfare and social policy continues to increase to the extent suggested by past and present circumstances, serious implications emerge for both public and private providers.     

Social Security in Hungary: A Balance Sheet after Twelve Years

The social and political transformation in Hungary contributed to the development of a democratic political system and to the establishment of the rule of law and a market economy. The process was accompanied by a series of economic and social problems. The paper first reviews the social policy orientation of the three free consecutive governments elected since the transition. None of them has had a clear political profile: they have constituted mixed and unclear welfare regimes. None of them has sketched a clear welfare policy except perhaps the current government. In its case central redistribution is consistently biased in favour of the middle and upper strata at the expense of the poor. Instead of a consensual plan defining priorities, decisions and reforms in the last ten years have been motivated by political interests, at hoc ideas, and authoritarian rulings. The paper next shows what reform meant in the case of the different instruments and various fields of social policy, namely unemployment, health, pensions, family benefits and social assistance. It concludes that while both the inherited and the newly created systems had contributed to alleviate the shocks of the transition, yet there never was enough political will to give sufficient or adequate help to those needing it. As a consequence of the "reforms" public expenditures have been significantly reduced. The welfare gap between East and West has thereby grown. The consequence is that the country has become gravely divided, and that poverty is greater and deeper than it might have been under a different set of policies.     

饮食社交对政治信任的侵蚀及差异分析：关系资本的“副作用”

本文使用2009年中国八城市“社会网络与职业经历”(JSNET)问卷调查数据,探讨饮食社交对政治信任的影响。实证分析结果表明,城镇居民的社交聚餐频率对政治信任各维度均有负向效应,且这种侵蚀效应在不同体制、不同性别、不同学历和不同地区的人群间具有显著差别。本文的研究结果表明,以“饭局”为途径来积累、维系和动员关系资本的过程,在特定的情境下往往伴随社会层面的消极影响,对政治信任带来“副作用”。     

Uncertainty, Trust and Pensions: The Case of the Current UK Reforms

Trust is valuable in facilitating social cooperation and is often thought to be helpful in the running of a complex modern welfare state. However, a number of sociologists, psychologists and political scientists have recently argued that trust in social institutions is in decline. One approach argues that the issue is compounded by a shift towards a more active and discriminating trust as part of a social transition towards a more reflexive society, and goes on to suggest that people often choose to place their active trust in non‐state provision. This paper examines recent quantitative and qualitative evidence on trust in state and non‐state pensions in the UK, as a context where current policy developments throw the general issues into sharp relief. It shows that patterns of trust in this setting can be understood in active terms, but that social divisions remain important in determining how active trust operates in practice. More vulnerable groups put their trust in the state, through lack of an alternative, while more confident and better‐off groups tend to pursue investment strategies which they believe will give them more individual control over their money. Social divisions remain important during current social transitions, and often receive less attention than they merit in theoretical writing.