The Interference of Stereotype Threat With Women's Generation of Mathematical Problem-Solving Strategies

At the highest levels of math achievement, gender differences in favor of men persist on standardized math tests. We hypothesize that stereotype threat depresses women's math performance through interfering with their ability to formulate problem-solving strategies. In Study 1, women underperformed in comparison to men on a word problemm test, however, women and me performed equally when the word problems were converted into their numerical equivalents. In Study 2, men and women worked on difficult problems, either in a high- or reduced-stereotype-threat condition. Problem-solving strategies were coded. When stereo-type threat was high, women were less able to formulate problem-solving strategies than when stereotype threat was reduced. The effect of stereotype threat on cognitive resources and the implications for gender differences in mathematical testing are discussed.     

Media exposure and the engaged citizen: How the media shape political participation

Media exposure is widely known to increase institutional forms of political participation such as voting. Less well understood is whether media exposure also affects protest, a less institutional form of engagement. This paper examines the mechanics through which this relationship operates by considering the media's direct and indirect effect on voting and protesting, via political trust, efficacy, and knowledge. We make these comparisons by analyzing the unique Jennings panel dataset that collects information on respondents at three separate points. The results show that media exposure affects voting more than protesting and that these relationships operate through different mechanisms. While media exposure leads to voting because it increases political knowledge, it is associated with protest via external political efficacy. Furthermore, while this relationship is causal for voting it is only correlational for protest. The results illustrate the importance of disentangling forms of political engagement when considering media effects.     

Gender Jeopardy: What is the Impact of Gender Differences in Political Knowledge on Political Participation?*

Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office.     

Measuring “gender ideological identity”: Vignettes for young men and women

Authors have noted the difficulty inherent in empirically documenting gender as a personal identity, which is frequently mis-operationalized as an ideology. In this paper I build on the pioneering work of Kroska (2000) and discuss the development of a set of character vignettes to measure “gender ideological identity.” Whereas Kroska's original vignettes were created for middle-age adults already established in marital and parental roles, these vignettes were collaboratively developed using the help of undergraduate sociology students and target a younger audience of men and women in the early stages of family formation. Construct validity of the vignettes is done using data collected from undergraduate students (N = 482) and is followed by a discussion of the findings.     

The effects of gender role stereotypes on political attitudes

Public attitudes toward women may be understood in terms of two dimensions: inferiority and indifference. Some people (both men and women) believe that women are inferior to men, whereas others believe that the sexes are merely different. Factor analysis of the NORC General Social Survey shows that the inferiority stereotype explains political attitudes better than the difference stereotype.     

Gendered Pathways to the Political: The Political Participation of Women Factory Workers in Mexico*

Objectives. The objective of this article is to analyze the mobilization factors available within and without international factories that do and do not contribute to political participation of employees, hypothesizing that the quantity, type, and causal linkages will vary by gender. Methods. Using original survey data of factory employees (N=402) in multiple sectors and regions in Mexico, I test common explanations as to how the factory experience stimulates and stifles the political participation of women employees, exploring whether the causal linkages between the workplace and political engagement are the same for women and men. Results. Contrary to some of the recent research that reveals men to be more politically engaged than women in the Mexican population overall, my data show that among factory workers there is rough parity between men's and women's levels of political engagement. A distinction of note, controlling for other variables, female employees are more likely than male employees to engage in informal political activities. Conclusion. The international factory experience appears to have a limited “egalitarian” effect. The distribution of factors leading to political mobilization for women and men is not equal, yet women are able to translate a distinct set of factors into participation.     

The Myth of “Security Moms” and “NASCAR Dads”: Parenthood,Political Stereotypes,and the 2004 Election*

Objective. The objective of this article is to explore the impact of being a parent on political views and to test the accuracy of the “Security Mom” and “NASCAR Dad” labels that were pervasively applied in the context of the 2004 presidential election. Methods. The methods we employed consist of using data primarily from the 2004 National Election Study to determine whether parents differ from nonparents in terms of their political attitudes on a wide range of issues. We argue that parenthood affects women and men differently, so we analyze the sexes separately. Results. Mothers have important political distinctions from women without children, mostly in the case of social welfare issues. They do not, however, appear to be “Security Moms” in the post‐9/11 world. As for fathers, for the most part it makes little sense to talk about dads as a distinct voting bloc, as in very few cases do their political attitudes differ from men without children. Conclusions. The media's use of the labels “NASCAR Dad” and Security Mom” promoted an inaccurate understanding of the political preferences of parents. Beyond debunking these media myths, our results provide one of the first comprehensive looks at the impact of parenthood on political attitudes, an overlooked area in the adult socialization literature.     

Testing the qualitative differences between empathy and personal distress: Measuring core affect and self-orientation

In two studies the emotional valence, the level of arousal and self-orientation of empathic concern and personal distress are tested. The empathic concern prevalence versus personal distress prevalence is induced through pictures in Study 1 (N = 62) and perspective-taking instructions in Study 2 (N = 60). Results of Study 1 show that participants in the personal distress-prevalence condition report significantly more negative emotional valence (d = .65), higher arousal (d = .48), and higher self-orientation (d = .57) than participants in the empathic concern-prevalence condition. Results of Study 2 show that participants in the self-oriented condition report the highest arousal, followed by participants in the other-oriented condition, and the objective condition (η_p² = .58). Concerning the increase of self-orientation, results show that it is mediated by the personal distress induced by self-perspective instructions. Similar results in emotional valence were found between self- and other-oriented conditions.     

Does residential segregation help or hurt? Exploring differences in the relationship between segregation and health among U.S. Hispanics by nativity and ethnic subgroup

In order to unpack whether and how self-rated health of Hispanics is linked to residential segregation from non-Hispanic whites, this study employs multi-level analysis combining data from the 1997–2002 National Survey of America's Families (n = 16,753 Hispanic respondents across 82 metropolitan areas) with metropolitan area segregation scores derived from restricted-use Census 2000 data. Separate analyses by nativity (U.S.-born vs. foreign-born Hispanics) and ethnic subgroup (comparing Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans) are also conducted. Net of individual-level controls, findings reveal a small significant negative effect of segregation on health for all Hispanics and for Mexicans in the sample. Nativity does not have a significant interaction effect. Evidence of a positive segregation/health link is found for Cubans, challenging the assumption that segregation is always bad for minority health. This research highlights the value of multi-level analysis in examining segregation as a social determinant of health, and reveals key Hispanic subgroup differences.     

Inheriting a political career: The justices of the United States and Louisiana Supreme Courts

Sixty-three percent of the members of the United States Supreme Court (1789–1988) and forty-four percent of the members of the Louisiana Supreme Court (1812–1988) came from politically active families. Inheritors on both courts were preceded in office by close relatives and usually by more than one kinsman. Inheriting a political career is not as common as it once was but the dramatic decline in that pattern with respect to the courts is unique to those institutions. The careers of followers and nonfollowers are different. A family political legacy, which includes knowledge, skills, contacts, and a greater sense of political efficacy, confers career advantages which can be observed and measured.     

The gender gap on public opinion towards genetically modified foods

Ever since genetically modified (GM) foods were introduced into the food supply in the 1990s they have provoked debate and concern. The number of GM foods approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and offered on supermarket shelves has steadily grown at the same time that public wariness about the safety of GM foods has increased. Studies within the scientific literature show a strikingly large gender gap in attitudes towards GM foods with women consistently more skeptical than men. However, there have been few efforts to understand the determinants of the gender gap on GM foods within the political science literature. This study employs a 2014 Pew Research Center survey on science issues to test several possible explanations for the gender gap in attitudes towards GM foods rooted in the different life experiences of women and men. The results show that while being a parent predicts more skeptical views about genetically modified foods overall it does not explain the gender gap in attitudes. In contrast, knowledge about science and having confidence in science do play a significant role in mediating the gender gap. By exploring the robust and pervasive gender gap on the issue of GM foods, this study sheds light on the fundamentally different ways men and women approach political issues.     

Islam, Social Traditions and Family Planning

This article explores the doctrine of Islam and the different theological interpretations of the position of Islam about family planning in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran and Jordan, following the Sunni and Shia traditions. Principles that led to fatwas (rulings) in both these theological traditions, together with the main arguments of the debate between the proponents and opponents of family planning in Islam and the Higher Judge's interpretation (Islamic Courts in Jordan) of the position of Islam on family planning, are included. Men's and women's views are summarized, based on the findings of natural group discussions and in‐depth interviews conducted in 1998 with couples and individuals within their social networks in the different contexts in Jordan. Based on a gap analysis between doctrine, policy and people's beliefs, this study shows a need for family planning programmes to address men and women in a culturally sensitive manner: Men shape reproductive decisions. It is therefore argued that if men were more pro‐actively involved in family‐planning awareness campaigns, there might be a transformation of values and perceptions around fertility and family planning. Another conclusion drawn from the findings is that local resources, especially religious men, can be instrumental in promoting political trust in—and a sense of ownership of—family planning programmes in Jordan. Using local resources in advocacy for family planning, based on the cultural context of Shari’ah, seems effective in changing the reproductive behaviour of men.     

The Role of Mastery and Social Support in the Association Between Life Stressors and Psychological Distress in Older Canadians

Gerontological social workers and other health professionals are often dealing with older adults in psychological distress. Greater clarity on the relationship between stress and psychological distress will enhance the efficacy of outreach and treatment initiatives for older adults. This study explored the underlying causal structure of the relationships of common life stressors and psychosocial resources for Canadians 65 years and older (542 men and 835 women). Using structural equation modeling of data collected in the National Population Health Survey in 2004–2005 and 2002–2003, the roles played by socioeconomic conditions, physical health, chronic stress, sense of mastery, and perceived social support in the stress–psychological distress relationship were estimated and compared. Findings revealed that chronic stress was the strongest determinant of the level of psychological distress for both genders; however its effect was higher for men compared to women. Poor physical health played a more important role in determining women's psychological distress compared to men. Higher levels of mastery and perceived social support were associated with lower levels of psychological distress for both men and women. These associations were somewhat stronger for men compared with women. Socio-economic conditions played a minor role in the stress–mental health relationship for both genders.     

论政治文化传统与印度外交思想的二元性

作为一个具有悠久历史的文明古国,印度外交思想的雏形在其传统政治文化中就能找到渊源。印度政治文化不仅囊括具有现实主义取向的"考底利耶主义"与激进的"斯瓦拉吉"思想,也包含具有崇高道义法则的"法胜"思想与"非暴力"思想。本文从历史、地理、宗教精神及广义的文化等五个方面探讨印度二元性政治文化的来源,并阐述这种政治文化的特征。在政治文化传统的影响下,印度形成了独具特色的外交思想。     

More of a Bridge than a Gap: Gender Differences in Arab‐American Political Engagement*

Objective. Research on immigrant women's economic and cultural adaptation has increasingly come to the fore of immigration research, yet relatively little remains known about their engagement in the political arena. This study examines this question among Arab Muslims, a group that has been at the center of much public debate but little scholarly discourse. Methods. Using nationally representative data on Arab Muslims, this study examines gender differences in political consciousness and activity and assesses the degree to which different dimensions of religious identity contribute to differences in men's and women's attitudes and behaviors. Results. Both women and men have high levels of political engagement, in part reflecting their relatively affluent socioeconomic positions. Men are slightly more involved than women, and this is explained by their greater participation in religious activities and higher levels of political religiosity. In contrast, subjective dimensions of religiosity—or being a devout Muslim—have no effect on political engagement. Conclusions. Overall, there are few gender differences in Arab Muslim political engagement, suggesting that collective identity based on ethnicity and religion is more salient for the political mobilization of this group. Further, religion is not uniformly associated with political activity, varying by gender and the dimension of religious identity in question, suggesting that future research needs to focus on how different facets of religion influence U.S. political involvement.     

Does anti-Semitism among African Americans simply reflect anti-White sentiment?

In his classic essay (1967) titled “Negroes Are Anti-Semitic Because They’re Anti-White,” writer James Baldwin argues that African American resentment of Jews reflects generalized anti-White sentiment. The current study examines levels of anti-Semitic attitudes in the United States among African Americans and other racial/ethnic groups. Using General Social Survey (2000) data for a nationally representative sample of adults (n = 1,118), this research investigates whether variation in anti-White attitudes explains variation in anti-Semitic attitudes. Multiple indicators are used to operationalize anti-Semitic and anti-White attitudes. One such indicator is the degree to which one opposed living in a Jewish (or White) neighborhood. Control variables include measures of perception of wealth for Jews and Whites. A series of logistic regression analyses offers mixed results. One analysis indicates that while some anti-Semitic attitudes are strongly associated with anti-White attitudes, African Americans are still significantly more likely than White, Latino, and Asian groups to express anti-Semitic views when the level of anti-White sentiment is held constant (p < .05). In a second analysis the respondent's race is not a significant effect on expressed anti-Semitism when controlling for anti-White attitudes.     

Preventing Domestic Violence in the South Asian Context: Men's or Family Involvement?

Globally there is a growing tendency to involve men in preventing domestic violence. Since men are the main perpetrators of violence against women, proponents of men's involvement argue that men must be involved to prevent men's violence against women. Conversely, opponents of men's involvement argue that involving men would not bring about the expected outcome, since men's involvement is challenging, particularly in the cultural context, and men intentionally perpetrate violence against women. In this paper, an attempt has been made to critically justify the suitability of men's involvement and to find a more culturally acceptable alternative for preventing domestic violence against women in South Asia. This article critically discusses theories related to the sociocultural understanding of domestic violence, insightfully presents domestic violence in this regional perspective, argues the pros and cons of men's involvement, and proposes family involvement as a culturally suitable approach to prevent domestic violence.     

Running Against a Woman: Do Female Opponents Shape Male Candidate Behaviors?*

Objective. The male‐dominated nature of U.S. politics still means that the vast majority of women who run for office face a male opponent. As a result, one dramatic change in U.S. politics—the increase in women candidates—may contribute to another change, that being the experience of men who run for office. The research reported here begins to consider how running against a woman might have influenced the behavior of male candidates for Congress in 2002 and 2006. Past research suggests that men who run against women feel that they need to take steps to appeal to women voters by giving attention to issues of concern to women in their campaigns. Methods. To test the hypothesis that men will alter their attention to women's issues in the face of a woman candidate, I use campaign websites to examine the issue priorities of men who ran against women and compare them to a sample of men who ran against other men. Results. Counter to expectations, I find no evidence that men “play” to women voters through their attention to women's issues and instead demonstrate the relatively limited visibility that men give to these issues when they run against a woman. Conclusions. Running against a woman may have some limited impact on male candidate behaviors, but does not appear to be a significant influence.