共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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A group’s resilience is often linked to its network structure. While decentralized network properties have been associated with resilience at the group-level, little is known about the individual-level factors that lead groups to adopt these structures. Criminal groups, consistently faced with unexpected external disruptions, provide an opportunity to examine individual decisions to collaborate across periods of increased risk. Using data on 118 terrorist offenders across six attacks we test whether individual decisions to collaborate are influenced by variation in law enforcement activity. Results from exponential random graph models demonstrate that many of the processes that drive collaboration between offenders differ when faced with greater risk. Connectivity was maximized in periods of decreased enforcement activity, with offenders more likely to collaborate in dense, local triads. Following an increase in interdictions, triad closure had no impact on co-offending. 相似文献
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John Mattausch 《Immigrants & Minorities》2013,31(3):59-74
In an earlier article1 I have argued that British ‘African Asians’ can not legitimately be described as an ‘ethnic’ community. This argument was made by means of a critique of sections from the 4th PSI Survey. I show that the attitudinal responses of British ‘African Asians’, as evidenced in the Survey, do not reveal any special emphasis upon the components of ethnicity (religion, skin colour, ‘extra‐British’ origins, ‘racial’ grouping) specified by the Survey's authors and that parental roles in marital decision‐making, thought by the Survey's authors to be important in maintaining ‘ethnic’ boundaries, and their attitudes towards ‘mixed marriages’, are now little different from the majority of Britishers. My chief objection to the ‘ethnicity’ paradigm, incorporating the notion of ‘ethnic identities’, is that, as with all analytical concepts, it inhibits those whom it embraces from inclusion within alternative conceptions: marking individuals and communities as ‘ethnically’ special robs them of parity with their ‘non‐ethnic’ neighbours. In this article, in opposition to the current vogue for ‘ethnic’ labelling and in sympathy with Robert Miles's well‐known position, I contend that British Gujarati Hindus (who form a majority of British ‘African Asians') should be considered in the same analytical light as any other group of British citizens. The focus of the article is on those members of the Gujarati Hindu Patidar caste (commonly having the surname Patel), who settled first in East Africa and then, often not through their own choice, in Britain. I argue that their caste identity, the dynamics of their migrations and changes to their socioreligious culture are all fully explicable by non‐'ethnic’ political sociology. 相似文献
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Wendy Mee 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2017,24(4):474-492
This paper is grounded in a comparison of the cultural identifications that accompany Sambas Malays’ participation in rowing competitions ‘at home’ and ‘away’. Sambas Malays are Indonesian citizens from the regency of Sambas, who ethnically identify as Malay. There, rowing competitions provide the sociocultural infrastructure for developing local and translocal cultural identifications. Two related, yet distinguishable, cultural identifications are evident, each associated with a specific rowing infrastructure. When contests occur ‘at home’, rowing is steeped in local Sambas Malay culture and heritage. However, contests ‘away’, in areas loosely identified as ‘Malay’, generate identifications with a regionally based Malay culture and consociality. Utilizing a non-positivistic conceptualization of ‘border’, this paper considers the intersection of culture, politics, economy, geography and mobility in everyday bordering practices producing two overlapping cultural identifications. 相似文献
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《Public Relations Review》2004,30(1):37-48
This study investigates American Airlines’ employee response to the 9/11 attacks. Interviews with corporate communicators at the airline and analysis of electronic publications released internally within the airline reveal how mediated communication channels supported the supervisory communication efforts after the 9/11 attacks. An internal employee campaign called Good Words is used to illustrate how emerging technologies can support the emotional needs of employees after a crisis. The article concludes with lessons American Airlines learned from the terrorist attacks and implications for crisis communicators. 相似文献
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Sarah Maddison 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2013,20(3):288-303
In many ways, the structural violence of settler colonialism continues to dominate the lived experience of Indigenous populations, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in contemporary Australia. One aspect of this structural violence concerns the regulation of Indigenous identity, today perpetuated through state monitoring of the ‘authenticity’ of Aboriginal people. This article argues that the contest over Indigenous identity perpetuates a form of symbolic political violence against Indigenous people. It considers the ways in which structural violence against Indigenous identity has featured in Australia's settler colonial regime and examines the particular violence faced by urban-dwelling Aboriginal people, who endure much contemporary scrutiny of the ‘authenticity’ of their Indigeneity. As a case study, the article examines the symbolic violence associated with a particular legal case in Australia and, in light of this analysis, concludes that settler colonies could make a decolonising gesture by legislating for the protection of Indigenous identity. 相似文献
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Amy Stambach 《Social Dynamics》2016,42(3):411-428
This paper analyses four different but connected explanations for addressing environmental change on Mount Kilimanjaro. These explanations are: the scientific, the chiefly, the economic, and that which pertains to social policy. Scientists document that the glaciers on Mount Kilimanjaro are thinning and disappearing. Descendants within chiefly lineages argue that their authority needs to be revitalised to protect the environment. Economists defend the value of harvesting and exporting natural and agricultural resources, while social policy advocates recommend teaching the public about these interweaving interests. An effort is needed to connect and question these four narratives through an environmental education that promotes deep anthropological analysis. 相似文献
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This article responds to calls in this journal for increased attention to identity, culture, power and sport. It explores, for the first time, the lived realities of identity politics in a divided society, through interviews with 12 self-declared Irish nationalists and republicans that represented Northern Ireland. Important insights are revealed into national eligibility decisions for either Irish team, motivated mainly by ‘shop window’ visibility and being seen as the best of a peer group. Political and sporting nationalisms were not necessarily analogous. A significant original finding is that the lived experiences of being closer to ‘the other’ resulted in an overall reinforcement rather than dissolution of difference. Visual and oral ‘national’ symbols such as flag, and especially anthem, delineated such difference, being symbolic walls of the mind. ‘Our wee country’ was thus a polarised and polarising fantasy shield. The article concludes by reconsidering the role of sport as a lens through which to examine identity and its’ place as part of the ‘problem’ and ‘solution’. 相似文献
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Heather D. Evans 《Disability & Society》2019,34(5):726-746
This article examines the ways in which people living with non-apparent impairments, sometimes called ‘invisible disabilities,’ choose to disclose their impairments to friends, colleagues, and supervisors. Drawing on life-history narratives conducted with 12 men and women who acquired non-apparent impairment through accident, injury, or illness, this analysis demonstrates that people who have acquired non-apparent impairment use three primary forms of disclosure – confessional, pragmatic, and validating – serving as mechanisms by which individuals internalize the stigma associated with disability, pragmatically acquire accommodations, or resist and challenge ableist views. This analysis shows the ways that disclosure more broadly, and these forms specifically, play important roles in developing and negotiating disability identity. 相似文献
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Clair Clark 《Community, Work & Family》2017,20(4):459-478
This study examines the influence of variation in state maternity leave policies on mothers’ employment. Data come from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) [U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). America’s families and living arrangements: 2010 (Data file). Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hhfam/cps2010/tabAVG1.xls] (n ? =? 1380) paired with an assessment of state provisions of expanded family leave. Results from a negative binomial regression show that job-protected leave greater than the 12 weeks provided under the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) is a marginally significant predictor of women spending fewer years out of the workforce following childbirth. Results from a logistic regression reveal that mothers in states with expanded access to job-protected leave are less likely to resign from their jobs within 12 weeks of their first childbirth than are mothers in states with non-expanded FMLA eligibility. These findings decrease the uncertainty about the effects of such legislation on mothers’ labour force participation, and support expansion of eligibility in order to better support working families. 相似文献
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The article undertakes an allegorical double reading of Being There and Trump as instances of what we call socio-fiction. Crucially in this respect, reality and fiction are not two opposed realms. The two realms always interact in subtle ways, which is why cinema can be a resource for diagnostic social analysis. We first articulate a general commentary on the relationship between cinema and society, introducing the concept of ‘socio-fiction’. Secondly, we analyse Peter Sellers’ Being There, an interesting film focused on the relationship between reality and fiction. In this analysis, we elaborate on different ways of approaching fiction in a sociological prism. And finally, we discuss Trump as a fallout effect of Being There. After all, a film is not just an image of a reality, a shadow or appearance of a social fact; sometimes the reality itself seems to have become an appearance of an appearance, a shadow of a shadow. 相似文献
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Ethnic problems may be investigated via either or both of two types of discourse — ‘nation‐state discourse’ and ‘minority discourse’. The first type constitutes a declarative, dia‐chronic‐oriented type of discourse, centred around easily perceivable semiotic codes (language, history, tradition, religion). These codes are invested with qualities which relate to the existence and sustainability of the nation‐state. As a consequence the defence of such codes is experienced as a defence of the nation‐state. By contrast a ‘minority type’ of discourse does not, in principle, centre on nation‐state semiotic codes. In Bulgaria, the discourse of the Islamic communities of the country (Turks, Pomaks, Turkish Gypsies) revolves, by and large, around issues of integration and accommodation, especially of either a demographic and/or economic character. The paper surveys domains that display a close interaction between the nation‐state institutions and the Bulgarian minority communities, namely the mass media, national holidays, educational bodies, army and police. It is argued that a careful and critical appraisal of existing attitudes with respect to these domains is necessary if ethnic conflicts, most likely to emerge during the present atmosphere of post‐totalitarian changes, are to be avoided.
The study of ethnic relations relies on two types of discourse: ‘nation‐state discourse’ and ‘minority discourse’. In the present paper, the minorities under investigation are the Islamic minorities of the Bulgarian Turks and the Pomaks, and the Gypsy minority. 相似文献
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Emily Cheng 《Comparative American Studies》2014,12(4):249-263
This essay connects adoption and immigration from China by considering the relationship between the adoptee and the Chinese nanny hired to care for her. I examine news media alongside Wendy Lee’s 2008 novel, Happy Family, which portrays the adoptive family through the perspective of a Fujianese immigrant domestic worker. Transnational adoption from China emerged in the early 1990s as undocumented immigration from the Fujian province rose, representing a major shift in Chinese immigration. These practices have been apprehended divergently in mainstream discourses. This essay approaches the family as a site of neoliberal privatization that frames adoption in terms of inclusion into US national ideologies of race, gender, and class, while undocumented immigration from China has been framed through exclusion. I argue that the nanny destabilizes the construction of the family as a space of depoliticized inclusion through her labor, revealing the neoliberal inequalities that shape both adoption and immigration. 相似文献
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The question of India’s North-East identity and solidarity has been a subject of debate among scholars, academicians and others. Apologia to a collective North-East believes in the existence of North-East identity and solidarity. Against the apologia’s stands are the critique who rather brushed aside North-East collectivity and questioned the clubbing together of the region as one entity. This article highlights some of the contrasting views of understanding India’s North-East, and takes the issue further by proposing to call these contending paradigms as the ‘apologists’ and the ‘sceptics’. We further argue that despite their apparent ‘antithesis’, both paradigms are related. 相似文献
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Gintarė Kudžmaitė 《Visual Studies》2013,28(2):148-163
On 26 October 2016, Belarus introduced a visa-free border crossing regime for travellers visiting the Augustow Canal area and the city of Grodno. Based on a multi-method study, this article aims at investigating how this ‘visa-free regime’ is enacted and ‘narrated’ before, during and after border crossing. First, it analyses the website ‘grodnovisafree.by’ and searches for patterns of what the visitors encounter before travelling to the border area. Second, it analyses the border crossing experience, based on a participant observation while crossing the border from Lithuania to Belarus. Third, it investigates the linguistic and multimodal landscape after crossing the border in the city of Grodno. This study concludes that the ‘real’ ‘narrative’ about challenges and boundaries that the visitors have to overcome to cross the border is at times overshadowed by the ‘ideal’ picture of easily accessible Grodno and its area. 相似文献
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Shamila Ahmed 《International Journal of Social Research Methodology》2016,19(2):177-190
In recent years there has been an increase in literature which has explored the insider/outsider position through ethnic identities. However, there remains a neglect of religious identities, even though it could be argued that religious identities have become increasingly important through being prominent in international issues such as the ‘war on terror’ and the Middle East conflict. Through drawing on the concept of subjectivity, I reflect on research I conducted on the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on British Muslims. I explore the space between the insider/outsider position demonstrating how my various subjectivities – the ‘non-Islamic appearance I’, the ‘Muslim I’, the ‘personal I’, the ‘exploring I’, the ‘Kashmiri I’ or the ‘Pakistani I’, the ‘status I’ and the ‘outsider I’ – assisted in establishing trust, openness and commonality. I conclude by demonstrating how the ‘emotional I’ allowed me to manage my own emotions and participants emotions. 相似文献
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Komol Singha 《Asian Ethnicity》2018,19(3):365-382
Following reclamation of ethnic identity amid the gnawing scarcities, Assamese ethnic movement germinated in the 1950s, manifested in the form of language and anti-migrants agitations. It became more apparent in the early 1960s. Despite the Assam accord, signed in 1985, certain section of the society with radical leanings picked up arms for a mission of secession from India. Unfortunately, State’s intervention seemingly failed to contain armed conflict, rather convoluted the situation and gave rise to hybrid ethnic identities. In this manner, since the 2000s, the entire state is engulfed in internal feuds. How have the Assamese movements shifted from the socio-cultural to armed struggle for secession and then to internal feuds, and why has the State failed in curbing them are discussed in this paper. 相似文献