Social mobility and constitutional and political preferences in Northern Ireland

During the past thirty years Catholics in Northern Ireland have experienced unprecedented upward social mobility. Some commentators have suggested that this has led Catholics not merely to adopt the lifestyles of the middle class but also to modify their constitutional preferences, leading to a decline in nationalism. In this paper I examine the relationship between social mobility, on the one hand, and, on the other, both constitutional preferences and political (left or right wing) preferences among Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, using survey data collected in 1996. There is no evidence that Catholics' constitutional preferences are related to their mobility experiences.     

‘It's their word against mine’: young people's attitudes to the police complaints procedure in Northern Ireland

One of the central aims of the police reform process in Northern Ireland has been to increase the legitimacy of the policing structures and police officers amongst those who are served and policed by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). To meet this aim, structures have been created to ensure that the PSNI is accountable to all sections of the community for its strategy and performance, and in monitoring the attitudes and behaviour of its officers. To that end, the Office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland (PONI), the Northern Ireland Policing Board and 26 District Policing Partnerships have been created. This paper aims to break ground by looking in some detail at young people's attitudes to and experiences of the workings of one of those new bodies, the Police Ombudsman, and to explore issues related to young people's willingness to engage with the PONI.     

Power-sharing and political public relations: Government-press relationships in Northern Ireland's developing democratic institutions

Northern Ireland's democratic governance is consociational (i.e. power-sharing is mandatory) and therefore substantially different from the majoritarian electoral system which characterizes most Western democratic societies. Consociationalism has been advocated as a form of democracy which can reconcile post-conflict societies fragmented along ethnic, religious or linguistic lines. Political public relations within mandatory coalitions have received little attention from scholars to date. Drawing on data from elite interviews with Government Information Officers (GIOs), Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds) and journalists in Northern Ireland, this paper analyses their perspectives on political public relations in Northern Ireland's evolving democratic institutions. Our findings suggest Northern Ireland's public sphere is characterized not just by the usual contest between government communicators and journalists over political stories, but also by competition across government departments and within departments between GIOs and SpAds. Our research investigates the role of public relations in Northern Ireland's developing democratic institutions and more generally identifies important issues surrounding government communication in post-conflict power-sharing democracies.     

Youth on the margins in Northern Ireland,England, and Ukraine

This paper deals with the experience of the two authors working in a number of different settings. Both have been for many years practitioners using the Social Action model, Jennie in England and Eamonn in Northern Ireland. Together we have also been providing training for youth social workers in Ukraine, on issues of Social Action and empowering practice. What we attempt to do in this paper is first consider some of the issues and debates around the concept of marginalization. Then, referring to Northern Ireland, England, and Ukraine, we will provide some perspectives on the situation of young people, with examples of the mechanics of marginalization and blocks to the inclusion of young people in their societies. We hope to show that marginalization is a topical concept in all three places and that it has elements that transcend cultural and national boundaries, despite the social circumstances in Belfast, Derby, and Ukraine being very different. However, there are also aspects of the marginalization of young people that are different. Next, we will go on to describe the Social Action approach and to give some examples of how we have attempted to put the philosophy and approach into practice in three different countries and in the settings of research, practice, and training. To do this we will draw on our experience and work with young people in England and Northern Ireland and with youth social workers in Ukraine.     

Primary care teams

SUMMARY. Northern Ireland has a health and social services structure which should lead to the easier establishment of effective primary care teams. Following an analysis of constraints on interprofessional collaboration, various models of practice in Northern Ireland and in England and Wales are discussed to demonstrate potential solutions. Child abuse in particular is used to identify both problems and ways forward, especially concerning the general practitioner's key role in the primary care team     

Corridors of Power: The Institutional Design of North–South NGO Partnerships

Power asymmetries within partnerships between Northern and Southern NGOs are thought to be undesirable. Based on a comparative case study of the partnerships between three Northern NGOs and their Southern partners in Ghana, India and Nicaragua, this study examines how the partnerships’ institutional design affects local partners’ room to manoeuvre. It is demonstrated that (1) the Northern agencies unilaterally set the rules that govern the partnerships, based on their own norms, values and beliefs; (2) similarities and differences between the rules of the three agencies can, above all, be attributed to the corresponding and diverging nature of their norms, values and beliefs; and (3) informal rules allow more flexibility in their use. Whether this is beneficial for the Southern partners’ room to manoeuvre depends on individual project officers, who are responsible for interpreting and applying the rules, and the partners’ ability to conduct negotiations.     

Negotiating Identity and Belonging: Migration Narratives of Protestants from Northern Ireland

This article draws on the migration narratives of Protestants from Northern Ireland, examining the impact of migration on issues of identity and belonging, particularly in relation to the Northern Ireland conflict. The life narratives were collected during the course of two studies relating to contemporary migration from Northern Ireland (2004-2007). The author concludes that the insecurity of Protestant identity continues to influence the significant migration rate of young middle class Protestants, most of whom are unlikely to return to live in Northern Ireland.     

Land Loss Among the Hispanos of Northern New Mexico

Abstract

There has been little exploration of the psychological impact of land loss and displacement on American minority populations. What little there is, is evident in research on Native Americans. Virtually absent from the mental health literature is research on the psychological processes of land loss and the coping strategies employed by the Hispanos of Northern New Mexico. Hispanos received land grants by the Spanish and Mexican governments beginning in the 17th century. Living in Northern New Mexico for many years, this author observed negative emotions regarding land loss within the Hispano community. Such observations were reinforced by the continued appearance of local and national newspaper articles on land grant activism and litigation in Northern New Mexico and annual commemoration of the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, a document drafted at the end of the Mexican American War in 1848, upholding the rights of Hispanos to the possession of land grants. Such observations led this writer to initiate a pilot survey that would capture current Hispano feelings regarding land loss. The hypothesis guiding this investigation was that Hispanos in Northern New Mexico would express negative emotions when discussing land loss. Six Hispanos were purposefully recruited. Some claimed fifth or sixth generation of Hispano Northern New Mexican ancestry. A survey questionnaire in English was generated by the researcher and normed with a local Hispano. It included demographic items and open ended questions on acculturation, language, land grants, and land loss. Overall findings described sadness, anger, loss, resentment of outsiders, and dishonor. Responses also elicited feelings of injustice, loyalty to the land and domination by the Euroamerican culture. Collapsed responses revealed two concepts, encroachment by the Euroamerican culture and the Federal government, and class conflict within the Hispano community. Implications for such findings include various coping behaviors needing more investigation and future research that will generate relevant clinical theory and motivate public policy in the interest of Hispanos.     

Do small cities affect bird assemblages? An evaluation from Patagonia

Urban Ecosystems - Most studies about the impact of urbanization on bird assemblages are from the Northern Hemisphere and most previous research has reported that cities reduced bird species...     

Talking to Strangers: an Overview of an Independent Representation Project in Northern Ireland

SUMMARY: In 1990 the Northern Ireland Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders (NIACRO) launched a new initiative designed to complement the various support mechanisms currently available to those young people involved in the juvenile justice and child care systems in Northern Ireland. The Independent Representation Project involves young people in secure accommodation ‘talking to strangers’, that is, people who are independent of the institution, about any concerns they may have. This article describes this initiative and in particular reflects on its development since the appointment of the author as Project Coordinator.     

Contract, Charity, and Honorable Entitlement: Social Citizenship and the 1967 Abortion Act in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement

This article investigates the extent to which women’spolitical, civil, and social citizenship rights in the post–Good Friday Agreement (1998)period in Northern Ireland can be expanded. It argues that theGood Friday Agreement, as a framework document, offers someopportunity for the expansion of women’s political andcivil citizenship rights. Legislative attempts to extend the1967 Abortion Act (United Kingdom) to Northern Ireland and recentefforts to have the existing law governing abortion in NorthernIreland clarified through the judiciary are examined to demonstratethe continued denial of women’s social citizenship rights.Various routes to address Northern Irish women’s accessto abortion services are assessed, and it is argued that extendingthe 1967 Abortion Act to Northern Ireland, a long-standing demandof pro-choice women’s groups, will insufficiently facilitatewomen’s access to social citizenship rights. Consistentwith recent directions in social policy scholarship, this articleargues that a recognition of agency as an outcome of individualand collective social action is necessary to access abortionand women’s social citizenship rights in the post–GoodFriday Agreement period in Northern Ireland.     

Political Transformation and the Reinvention of the Ulster-Scots Identity and Culture

In the 1990s, Ulster-Scots language and culture was mobilized by some Ulster unionists in Northern Ireland as a badge of their cultural identity. The Ulster-Scots language and culture had its eighteenth century, premodern heyday in the north-eastern counties of the north of Ireland where it expressed distinctiveness from English and Englishness. However, in common with many regional dialects elsewhere in Europe, the processes of modernization signalled the demise of Ulster-Scots. The contemporary reinvention of an Ulster-Scots identity was precipitated by the 1990s political transformation of Northern Ireland. This reinvention has multiple manifestations. It is, variously, a myth of origin, a language and culture, a communal consciousness, a reaction against Irish nationalist cultural assertiveness in Northern Ireland, an embryonic nationalism, and a component part of the British identity. Ultimately, the reinvention of the Ulster-Scots cultural narrative appears designed to offset advances made by Irish nationalists in the assertion of their culture in Northern Ireland. Ulster-Scots has also been reinvented in an attempt to provide the Ulster unionist identity with the cultural booster required to deliver security and continuity to an identity experiencing chronic insecurity and doubt during a period of political transformation. However, the ability of Ulster-Scots to deliver on these aims is questionable.     

Risks and Responsibilities: Creating Dialogical Spaces in Northern Ireland

The idea that open dialogue is the key to transformative politics sounds straightforward. However, in a polity such as Northern Ireland where deep discord has intricate roots, an openness to difference is complex. I argue that dialogical spaces are created when people are prepared to engage in a risk-taking that conjoins self-disclosure with the vulnerability of being truly open to others; and are willing to bear the responsibility of mutually speaking with and listening to the plural other. First, I explain the relationship between identity, difference and political participation of women in Northern Ireland, examining alliance politics and solidarity. I offer suggestions for how difference, multiplicity and justice can be accommodated. Second, I extend beyond the specific context of Northern Ireland to evaluate the ability of feminist theories of deliberative democracy to facilitate dialogue across difference. I examine the importance of normative notions of deliberation, communication, narrative and competing needs. Third, I extrapolate from these theories the idea that the dynamic between listening and speaking creates a space to include diversity and commonality.     

Competing Drivers of Hybridity: Third-Sector Housing Organisations in Northern Ireland

This paper explores the complex process of hybridisation of third-sector housing and support organisations (TSOs) in Northern Ireland. The focus of the study is the policy field of housing-related support services, known in the UK as ‘Supporting People’. This is a hybrid policy field involving several government departments, a number of market mechanisms and two types of third-sector actors. The exercise of organisational agency to adapt to competing drivers is illuminated through mental health and homelessness case studies. The paper explores how competing external influences from the Northern Ireland Assembly, horizontal policies for the third-sector and vertical service commissioning policies interact with TSOs’ own adaptation strategies involving the deployment of robust third-sector identities. Hybridisation is found to involve not only the dominance of state drivers and the promotion of market mechanisms in both fields, but also enactment of third-sector identities. Our analysis of hybridization in this case counters Billis’ (2010) representation of third-sector identity as weak, in flux, and subject to erosion by focusing on the agency of TSOs to strategically adapt to and negotiate external drivers and thereby achieve competitive advantage. Through the enactment of identity in this adaptation process, resources such as legitimacy, charitable income and volunteers are secured. This provides opportunities for policy makers to add value if they are prepared to emphasise horizontal over vertical policy goals.     

Challenging Stereotypes Surrounding Disability and Promoting Anti‐oppressive Practice: Some Reflections on Teaching Social Work Students in Northern Ireland

Relatively high levels of dependency on disability benefits in Northern Ireland has led to widespread assumptions within this society that fraud and abuse are rife within the social security system. Consequently, many of those in receipt of disability benefits are stereotyped as dishonest, malingerers and scroungers. This stereotyping is damaging to all disabled people and undermines the security that the welfare system is supposed to provide. Social workers are obliged to work within an anti‐oppressive framework, addressing issues of oppression and discrimination. It is therefore imperative that strategies and techniques, which raise their awareness of these issues, are developed. This article describes a teaching strategy that was introduced in the first year of a social work degree programme, to enable students to recognise and reflect upon cultural stereotypes, and comments on its effectiveness.     

Child Maltreatment in Remote Aboriginal Communities and the Northern Territory Emergency Response: A Complex Issue

Abstract

Forty years after the 1967 Referendum and 10 years after the Bringing Them Home inquiry published its report into the Stolen Generations, in June 2007 the Howard Federal Government launched an Emergency Response intervention in the Northern Territory, having recognised the urgent need to reduce the incidence of child maltreatment in remote Aboriginal communities. This intervention was developed in response to the Northern Territory Government report on child sexual abuse in Indigenous children that described the urgency of the situation. In the present review of the literature, the complexity of the issue of child maltreatment, in particular child sexual abuse, in Indigenous Australia is explored. The Northern Territory Emergency Response1 ¹The current Rudd Federal Government has adopted most of the policies involved in the Northern Territory Emergency Response and has called for a comprehensive and independent review to be completed by 30 September 2008. is examined in the light of research evidence, detailed in numerous government reports, that reducing child maltreatment in Aboriginal communities necessitates both Aboriginal self-determination and extensive consultation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people working in the field. The extent to which the Emergency Response is evidence based and the complexity of making a report about child maltreatment, in particular child sexual abuse, in a remote Aboriginal communities are explored. Implications for policy and practice are also discussed.     

Public Attitudes toward Partisan and Neutral Symbols in Post-Agreement Northern Ireland

Using original data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times survey, this article assesses public attitudes toward key issues of symbolism intimately connected with the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process. It uses public attitudes toward the symbolic expressions of Northern Ireland's politico-religious blocs as indicators of the extent of intercommunity tolerance in the delicate post-Belfast Agreement period. Survey questions on attitudes toward flags, including the idea of a new flag for Northern Ireland; loyalist and republican murals; and memorials to the dead of the conflict, including the idea of a memorial for all of the victims of the conflict, reveal that partisan attitudes toward communal symbols of identity and commemoration persist, despite macro-level political changes heralded by the 1998 peace accord. It is argued that the consociational design of the Belfast Agreement facilitates the perpetuation of the single-identity politics of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism. In this context, public attachment to partisan symbols remains strong.     

In Two Minds? — Parental Attitudes toward Physical Punishment in the UK

Since the Millennium, the use of physical punishment in the home has been a widely debated topic across the UK. Reliance on public opinion has been an important feature of this debate with a variety of UK surveys showing that many find physical punishment acceptable and do not support a complete ban on smacking. Drawing on the results from a comprehensive review of the literature, this article highlights that public/parental opinion is less than straightforward. Parents are often ambivalent about physical discipline, do not view it as an optimal method of behaviour management and are more prone to smack when stressed or angry. Likewise, a survey of the disciplinary practices and attitudes of 1000 parents in Northern Ireland shows that majority of parents have negative attitudes towards physical discipline. Nonetheless, many parents continue to smack despite the fact they do not believe it to be effective. Lack of parental support for legislative reform should be reconsidered in the light of this ambivalence. Most important, the UK Government needs to reframe the smacking debate in terms of children’s rights rather than relying on public opinion if it is to fulfil its commitment to protect children from harm as set out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.     

The Haitian orphanage crisis: Exporting neoliberal family ideals in the debate on vulnerable childhoods in Haiti

In light of recent global debates over the dangers of institutionalised orphan care, a new model of family care premised on the trope of family reunification has emerged among Haitian and US faith-based actors as the best alternative for ensuring vulnerable children's well-being. This article offers a critical cultural reading of narratives on family reunification in Haiti in social media and advocacy discourse, revealing how this approach privileges Northern assumptions about proper parenting and family life. Not only are these ideas a mismatch with realities in Haiti, they evoke deficit constructions of family and childhood that facilitate the nation's further positioning as a subject of transnational neoliberal governmentality.