Armed masculinity,Hindu nationalism and female political participation in India

Male and female bodies as well as societal ideas defining cultural interpretations of masculinities and femininities are potent metaphors for expressing nation. This article examines two cultural expressions of nation and manliness – the Hindu soldier and warrior monk – disseminated by Hindu nationalist organizations in India. These images, among others, emerged from India's experience of British imperialism and are defined by values of martial prowess, muscular strength, a readiness to go to battle and moral fortitude. Men and women both respond to the call of a nationalism glorifying muscular warriors radiating an uncompromising moral resolve to defend their nation (us) against an easily recognizable enemy (them).

This article argues that this masculinized vision of nation carries important implications for women. Women enter this masculine environment through roles such as heroic mother, chaste wife and celibate warrior. Although divergent in their articulation at the grassroots, all three models of female behavior articulate two social themes. One, women's bodies represent national honor and two, this embodiment only works if women are chaste and virtuous. Indian feminists view such feminine activism with suspicion because the considerable empowerment women may derive from Hindu nationalist politics ultimately does not challenge the gendered power imbalances within the patriarchal Hindu family.     

Bengaliness,Hindu nationalism and Bangladeshi migrants in West Bengal,India

Hindu nationalists made migration from Bangladesh an election campaign in West Bengal during the 1990s. Although there were various allegations against Bangladeshi migration, it never became a mainstream political issue in the state, like in neighbouring Assam. West Bengal shares the longest border with Bangladesh, compared to any other Indian state, and hosts a large number of Bangladeshi migrants, according to the Census reports in India. West Bengal and Bangladesh share a common ethnicity, both are predominantly Bengali. Can this shared Bengaliness explain why Bangladeshi migration did not become a divisive political issue in the state? If this sameness is a bonding factor, what about the Ghoti-Bangal differences? Drawn from in-depth interviews with the representatives of West Bengal’s key civil society organisations and political parties, I argue that a particular historical and cultural process, unique to West Bengal and Bangladesh, has shaped the current attitude towards Bangladeshi migrants in the state.     

Beyond economic insecurity and cultural backlash: Economic nationalism and the rise of the far right

Far‐right parties gain in electoral support across the globe. Studies describe this phenomenon either as a cultural backlash or as a reaction to growing economic inequality. The economic inequality perspective suggests that the transforming workforce in post‐industrial societies gives rise to economic insecurity among those who feel left behind. In contrast, the cultural backlash thesis argues that the increasing support for far‐right parties represents a rejection of values such as cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism. More recent scholarship sought to show how economic and cultural factors combined increase the support for the far right. Most of these studies investigate public opinion polls, voting behaviour, and voters´ socio‐economic contexts. This paper reviews these studies and argues that the way in which far‐right political parties construct an interconnection of economic and cultural ideas in discourse is largely neglected in the existing body of literature. The paper concludes that the concept of economic nationalism captures how these two components are intertwined; economic nationalist discourse in far‐right political manifestos and speeches provides a more complete comprehension how public opinion is being shaped. This contribution offers a starting point for future studies to examine how cultural values, such as nationalism, reconstruct and influence articulation of economic policy.     

Gender relations, "Hindu" nationalism,and NGO responses in India

This article explores the strategies employed by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to challenge the right wing nationalism that dominates Indian politics. The opposition of the NGOs to the current political climate has evolved a variety of strategies, depending on their links with northern NGOs or international organizations such as the UN, and their reliance on foreign funding. The organizations that have links with international NGO community primarily express their opposition through consciousness raising and networking strategies. Because NGOs activities at the national level have the potential to attract the attention and anger of nationalist actors, many choose to operate at local level for fear of harassment. Some get involved in initiatives such as direct-action campaigns which spring up when violence breaks out in a locality, or immediately afterwards. Another strategy being set up by NGOs is cooperative and cross-community initiatives to encourage as well as build on historic relationships of socioeconomic and political interdependence between Hindus and Muslims. These strategies seek to strengthen people's awareness of the distinction between personal spiritual beliefs, the true character of India's composite culture, and of the religious rhetoric being disseminated by nationalist for the purpose of securing political power. Although much effort has been exerted by these organizations, these strategies have limitations, which are discussed in this paper.     

Social stratification, cultural nationalism, and political economy in Jamaica: the myths of development and the anti-white bias

Le sousdéveloppement en Jamaique est en partie causé par des activités commerciales de l'élite indigène de l'île. Dans cet article, l'auteur tente de démontrer comment les inégalités sociales de la richesse et du privilège se perpetueront jusqu'à ce que les institutions politico-économiques contemporaines de la société nationale de la Jamaique continuent de favoriser l'expansion du secteur privé. Étant donné que les effectifs noirs ne constituent pas une partie significative de l'élite économique, l'auteur conclut que le pouvoir ‘blanc’ en Jamaique ne cesse pas d'être un fait accompli. Il en est ainsi bien que la popularisation du ‘Black Power’ et du socialisme démocratique aient forcé les blancs de devenir peu visibles. De plus, elle entreprend d'établir les limites du pouvoir politique, économique et culturel des blancs, et de démontrer comment ce pouvoir a changé depuis 1972. Jamaican underdevelopment is in part a product of the business activities of the island's local economic elite. The paper points out how social inequalities of wealth and privilege will persist as long as the contemporary politico-economic institutions of Jamaican national society continue to favour the expansion of the private sector. Because the island's economic elite is predominantly non-black, the paper concludes that ‘white’ power in Jamaica is still a very real issue. This is so even though the popularization of Black Power and Democratic Socialism have forced the whites to keep a low public profile. It is only by mapping the organization and composition of the island's economic elite and by documenting the role of these national entrepreneurs in Jamaican big business that it becomes possible to determine the extent to which white strategic command of political, economic, and cultural resources has changed since the advent to power of the People's National Party in 1972.     

Jabotinsky and Ukrainian nationalism: A reinterpretation

Israel Kleiner, From Nationalism to Universalism: Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky and the Ukrainian Question (Edmonton and Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 2000). 199pp. Foreword by Wolf Moskovich. Bibliography. Index. ISBN 1–895571–33–2 (paper)     

Organ Donation and Transplantation in India: An Inquiry in Kerala

Until recently, financial incentive was the prime motivation in transplantation of kidneys from nonrelated living donors in India. Prior to the Human Organ Transplantation Act of 1994, it was legal in all states of India to purchase and merchandise organs, eliminating the opportunity for black markets currently created by the enormous demand for organs. Eight years later, the question remains on how if at all The Act has changed the way organ donation is viewed and conducted in India. This study reveals attitudes and beliefs about organ donation in India from the perspectives of the doctors and the public. Interviewees expressed concerns and fears over the implementation of The Act. Mistrust of the medical profession and concerns about illegal buying and selling of organs were some major issues brought forth by the public. Additional issues were the need for public education, advertisement, and role models to promote organ donation in India. All interviewees had prior knowledge of organ donation and did not require explanation of the concept. No one interviewed was opposed to organ donation. Many participants were aware of organ donation through Ashwaria Roy, a former Miss World who does advertising campaigns promoting cornea donation in India.     

New media and cultural disconnect: A study on the lodha tribal community of India

A qualitative study was undertaken among Lodha tribals in the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha to examine how digital media accessibility has affected the social and cultural life of the youths of this tribal community. It also assessed any interrelationship between new media existence and cultural exclusion among the youths. Face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions, and observation methods were applied for accessing and generating information. Five villages with more than 70 percent Lodha population were selected for the study. A stratified random sampling method was used to determine the sample. The results directly link new media consumption and cultural disconnect among the Lodha youths. The young tribals were moving away from their traditional cultural systems into a more urbanized existence that is far removed from the life known to their previous generations.     

Immigrant women and housing issues: a symbolic magnifying glass for social and cultural changes in Italian civil movements*

In recent decades, social movements have expanded their range of action, adopting a more global perspective. Although many studies have been made of varied national and transnational movements, it still remains a little-studied field that involves the participation of immigrants, especially women, in social movements in Italy. These movements involve various problem areas. The thematic focus of our research is the housing, at the national level, and our chosen case study regards the situation as it presents itself in Rome. At a time when there seems to be less public interest in economic, social and cultural rights in favor of a broader interest in individual rights, studying the role of immigrant women in the participation of foreign communities in social movements for housing rights can encourage and support a renewed attention to this area, also because of the changing social composition of the resident population, and the emergence of old and new forms of poverty, of which the incoming immigration flows are one of the main causes. As we can see, the figure of the immigrant transforms the housing problem into a problem of co-habitation, or even better, of co-existence.     

Public relations in Kenya: An exploration of models and cultural influences

This pioneer study explores the public relations models that inform the practice of public relations in Kenya, and the cultural values that influence this practice. Results show the personal influence model as the most used by practitioners in Kenya, while individualism is the most experienced cultural value. The strong correlation between personal influence model and Hofstede's cultural value of femininity points to the practitioners’ strong desire for good interpersonal relationships with colleagues, supervisors, clients and key publics.     

Transnational cultural flows: An analysis of women's magazines in China

This study examines the expansion process of women's magazines in China, particularly over the past few decades. From 1921 to 1976 only a few women's magazines were available in China and all were owned and published by the government. However, since the late 1980s, there has been a proliferation of women's magazines – both local and international. Today, Chinese language versions of Western women's magazines, such as Elle, Vogue, Cosmopolitan, and Harper's Bazaar, and Japanese magazines like Rayli can be found on the magazine racks of any major city in China. The introduction and competition from international magazines has changed the look and content of local women's magazines. This preliminary study uses historical analysis and political economy to examine the growth of women's magazines in China and to discuss how the changing face of women's media represents a shift in gender ideology in China.     

The crisis of westernization in Turkey: Islamism versus nationalism

This article investigates the rise of the Islamist political movement in Turkey which it argues is a product of the frustration of the promises of Westernist modernization and, thus, represents a crisis of the Kemalist ideology and a critique of modernism. The Kemalist revolution transformed the Ottoman empire from an Islamic empire to a national state, and its legimitizing ideology from Islam to nationalism. Soon after the creation of the Republic the Kemalist project came to be identified with nationalist‐statist developmentalism. But when this development model exhausted its initial rapid‐growth capability, a radical restructuring was imposed. With the help of a military regime installed in 1980, the Turkish development trajectory turned from a nationalist‐statist strategy to a transnational and market‐oriented one. The decline of nationalist and statist policy also brought about a crisis in the popular ideology which supported nationalist‐statist developmentalism. The state could no longer claim the loyalty of its people. Secularist legitimation was undermined together with the collapse of the conviction that the state would deliver and that the common national interest of development would be protected. The Islamist movement came as a response to the crisis of dependent modernization in Turkey. In the eighties, a large marginalized and dispossessed segment in the metropolitan centres joined the petite bourgeoisie of provincial towns in support of Islamist politics. In addition to these social classes, there is also a new social segment in the leadership position of the current religious radicalism: university students and upwardly mobile young professionals. In this connection, it has to be emphasized that the Islamist critique coincides with the post‐modernist critique of Western culture, but, unlike the latter, offers a concrete political project.     

Intersectional power struggles in feminist movements: An analysis of resistance and counter-resistance to intersectionality

This article develops an analytical framework to study the power struggles between majoritized women and minoritized women within feminist movements in relation to the adoption of intersectional practices. It employs a multi-sided concept of power that takes domination and both individual and collective empowerment into consideration. The analytical framework encompasses the informal norms that foster resistance to intersectional practices by majoritized women, as well as the strategies and actions undertaken by minoritized women in order to challenge their subordination. The empirical analysis illustrates the mechanisms that create positions of marginalization among women, it stresses the role of the emotional dimension in transforming feminist practices, and it shows the importance of the intersectional wound. Moreover, in focusing on the processes that create difference, it avoids essentializing minoritized women. Building on interviews with activists from the Catalan feminist movement, the examination of intra-movement power struggles considers multiple axes of inequality, including race, gender identity, sexuality, and ability.