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1.
Recent public opinion polls show that the majority of UK citizens are opposed to replacing the pound by the euro. In this paper, we report an initial attempt to elucidate some of the psychological bases of this adherence to the status quo. We tested a latent variable model which postulates that there are two kinds of attachment to national identity, cultural and instrumental attachment, each having both direct and indirect influences upon anti-euro sentiment. The former kind of attachment reflects the symbolic aspects of nationhood, whilst the latter captures the benefits of citizenship, such as the quality and delivery of social goods. Secondly, we investigated the extent to which people's expectations about euro benefits mediates the impact of attachment on anti-euro sentiment. It was found that only cultural attachment had a direct, amplifying effect upon anti-euro sentiment, whilst both forms of attachment had indirect effects via their opposite influences upon euro benefits. Cultural and instrumental attachment respectively had attenuating and amplifying effects on the latter, which itself tended to act as an attenuator on the level of anti-euro sentiment.  相似文献   

2.
In summer 1997, a survey on attitudes and social representations of the single European currency was conducted in Austria on a sample of 534 respondents. Participants were asked to fill out a questionnaire on economic expectations and psychological aspects relating to the change of the national currencies to the single European currency. In addition to the standard questionnaire distributed in all 15 EU member states (Müller-Peters et al., 1998. Explaining attitudes towards the cure. Design of a cross-national study. Journal of Economic Psychology 19, 663–680), subjects in Austria were asked to indicate what they freely associated with the term “European single currency” and to evaluate their own associations. On the basis of individuals' attitudes towards the euro, the total sample was divided into five sub-samples of (a) strong opponents of the euro, (b) moderate opponents, (c) neutral or indifferent respondents, (d) moderate supporters, and (e) strong supporters. Social representations of these sub-samples were then analysed. Firstly, frequencies of associations within the five groups were investigated by correspondence analysis. It was found that opponents associated mainly negative feelings with the euro, thinking of currency instability and financial losses in conjunction with it. Moreover, strong euro opponents feared a loss of national autonomy and the unjust distribution of EU-related benefits and costs. Supporters, on the other hand, most frequently mentioned the facilitation of tourism and trading opportunities. Comparability of prices and incomes across Europe and the stimulation of the national economy were other frequently mentioned positive consequences. Secondly, sequences of associations were analysed. Four groups showed a tendency to more extreme emotions, that is, positive or negative, at the beginning of the association process with a shift towards neutral associations after their initial associations. The belief in a stronger European identity and a threat to Austrian identity, respectively, proved to be a relevant cause for subjective support of or opposition to the euro. Moderate opposition seems to be related to anticipated financial restrictions, both at the individual and the national level.  相似文献   

3.
The purpose of this paper is to explain the attitude toward the euro on the basis of different aspects of national identity. It is demonstrated that national identity and national pride both entail multi-dimensional constructs. Where national identity is concerned, in most countries a dimension of pure categorization (patriotism) can be distinguished from a dimension of discrimination (nationalism). The third dimension encountered is that of “European patriotism”. National pride can express itself, first, in terms of cultural–historical pride and, second, in terms of economic–political pride. Where the attitude toward the euro is concerned, the stance of European patriotism and the nationalistic stance have particular explanatory force. The former fosters a positive attitude toward the euro, while the latter has a negative impact on the attitude toward the euro. National patriotism, on the other hand, bears no relation to the attitude toward the European Monetary Union.PsycINFO classification code: 2960; 3020  相似文献   

4.
The present study investigates national identity and European identity as determinants of attitudes towards the single European currency, the euro. It is assumed that support of the euro depends on a positive European identity which may be affected by patriotism and nationalism as different types of national identity. Sentimental and instrumental attachment to one’s own nation, and optimistic expectations about Austrian future are included as determinants of patriotism and nationalism. A sample of 318 participants completed a questionnaire. Results give evidence for impacts of national and European identity on the attitudes towards the euro.  相似文献   

5.
In this paper we examine and compare the ethnic identity of the Jews in the former Soviet Union (FSU) and the process of change in ethnic identity among the new immigrants from the FSU. This analysis considers the role of the kibbutz as the first experience of Jewish community in their lives, as well as the location of the first phase of their process of absorption and resocialization into new and unfamiliar surroundings. The data are drawn through a longitudinal research design, with a pre‐ and post‐analysis of changes in the ethnicity of migrants studied from their arrival on the Israeli kibbutz until the completion of the five‐month kibbutz programme. We found that pre‐migration Soviet Jews defined their ethnicity as a discriminated national minority with a weak symbolic ethnicity content. The ambivalent nature of the ethnicity of Jews while in the FSU was expressed in the fact that although a majority were deculturized from traditional dimensions of Jewish life, they nevertheless felt they belonged to a specific ethnic group. Post‐migration ethnicity was found to be remarkably altered; the former ambivalence was dissolved. On the macro‐level, membership in the economically and politically successful Russian‐speaking group of Israeli society is a source of self esteem, rather than a sign of shameful otherness. On the micro‐level of ethnicity, the encounter in the initial phase of absorption in Israel, within the kibbutz Jewish community, often demands a re‐examination of their private concept of Jewishness, serving as a first step in resolving their ambivalent ethnic identity. Consequently, their new ethnic identity may now well have weaker boundaries, but a more positive (non‐alienating) content than that left behind.  相似文献   

6.
The current study examined the relationships among interparental conflict, moral disengagement, moral identity, and cyberbullying perpetration among adolescents. Participants were 649 Chinese high school students (aged 11–19 years, 48% girls). Hierarchical multiple regression analysis and SPSS macro PROCESS were conducted to test the proposed the moderated mediation model. Results showed that moral disengagement was positively correlated with adolescents' cyberbullying perpetration behavior. Moral identity was negatively related to cyberbullying perpetration behavior. Moral disengagement and moral identity mediated the effect of interparental conflict on cyberbullying perpetration. Moreover, moral identity moderated the indirect effect of interparental conflict on cyberbullying perpetration behavior through moral disengagement. These findings suggest that interparental conflict could foster cyberbullying perpetration through adolescents' moral disengagement and moral identity. In addition, a strong moral identity can buffer the negative effect of moral disengagement on cyberbullying perpetration.  相似文献   

7.
This study describes how transnational second‐generation Mexican bilinguals use a stigmatized variety of Mexican Spanish to communicate on Facebook and construct an identity. The stereotyped features of this variety index a ranchero identity. Historically, ranchero is an ambivalent identity for Mexican society in general. On the one hand, ranchero culture is a positive reminiscence of Mexico's agrarian past, while on the other, rancheros, along with indigenous Mexicans, are at the bottom of the hierarchy in Mexican society. A discourse‐centered, ethnographic analysis of digitally mediated conversations demonstrates how language use allows participants to reminisce about their collective past, maintain Mexican identities tied to their ancestors, fit their identities to contemporary U.S. Mexican culture, and distance themselves from the stigma associated with the ranchero background.  相似文献   

8.
The prevalence and social acceptance of childlessness have increased in recent decades. Still, little is known about how this social acceptance is shaped, the extent to which approval of childlessness differs across Europe, and what factors cause potential cross‐national variation. The authors used data from the European Social Survey 2006 (N = 36,187) to examine the attitude toward voluntary childlessness in 20 countries. Results from multilevel models were largely in line with expectations derived from Second Demographic Transition theory concerning traditional orientation, age, religiousness, education, and stage of Second Demographic Transition in a country. The results also corroborated individual‐level expectations on the role of gender and socioeconomic status based on New Home Economics theory. One country‐level indicator, child‐care availability, was not related to the attitude toward childlessness. The current study provides new insights into explaining cross‐national differences in the attitude toward childlessness and more generally into the process of fertility decision making.  相似文献   

9.
This study evaluated a predictive model of school participation based on Ajzen’s theory of planned behaviour. Attitudes towards social justice, perceived control and subjective norm on school participation were tested, mediated by the behavioural intention in favour of social justice in a sample of 443 secondary school students. The proposed model showed good fit (χ2 = 597.740, df = 342; RMSEA = .041). The behavioural intentions towards social justice and perceived behavioural control were directly related to school participation. An indirect effect of perceived control on participation was detected, mediated by behavioural intention, but no evidence was found of the indirect effect of either attitude or norm on school participation.  相似文献   

10.
This study investigated mechanisms involved in the intergenerational transmission of social class, specifically addressing the prediction of career expectations. The results indicated that among rural high school students (N= 200) in Grades 10–12, there was no direct effect of socioeconomic status (SES; as measured by parent education and occupation) on career expectations. However, there was a direct effect of educational expectations on occupational expectations. Building on the importance of educational expectations in the prediction of occupational expectations, the results suggested that perceived parental expectations explain variance in educational expectations. Overall, it seems that the effect of SES on occupational expectations was mediated by educational expectations; therefore, individuals of lower SES who have increased educational expectations are more likely to have occupational expectations similar to those of their higher SES peers. Moreover, increased parental expectations were positively associated with educational expectations among individuals of various SES levels.  相似文献   

11.
: The study focused on the relations between Italian nationals’ personal values and their expectations towards the way ethnic minorities should acculturate. The main aim was to understand whether nationals’ personal values predict their acculturation preferences towards immigrants, both directly and through national identity. Four hundred and forty-six Italian high school students (Mage = 19.1; SD = 0.57; females = 54.4%) completed a self-administered questionnaire assessing personal values, nationalism, patriotism, acculturation preferences and demographics. An SEM model with bootstrapping estimations was tested. As expected, the results highlighted that personal values predict acculturation preferences towards immigrants in two ways — directly and also through an indirect effect on nationalism — supporting the claim that ingroup and outgroup definitions are closely intertwined. The results also highlighted the need to differentiate between nationalism and patriotism, with the latter having no influence on Italian nationals’ readiness to accept immigrants. Overall, the research demonstrates the relevance of personal values in studying intergroup relations and draws attention to the potential value of communication policies centred on self-transcendence values to improve interethnic relations.  相似文献   

12.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the influence of different musical genres with Andean influences (Huayno, Chicha and Rock/Fusion) on the components of Peruvian national identity. To this end, we enlisted the participation of 92 upper-middle-class people (M = 19.91, SD = 1.95). The participants were randomly assigned each music genre in three experimental groups: Huayno (n = 30), Chicha (n = 31) and Rock/Fusion (n = 31). The results show that Rock/Fusion is the most highly rated musical genre with the most positive influence on some stereotypical components of national identity, attitude towards music and positive emotions. In contrast, the more ‘Andeanized’ genres, especially Chicha music, are perceived more negatively and have fewer positive effects on the stereotypical components of national identity, attitude towards music and positive emotions. The discussion suggests that the influence of the musical expressions evaluated depends on the ascribed status of the social group where these expressions were originally conceived and are currently consumed.  相似文献   

13.
Previous research suggests a direct relationship between criminal friends and criminal thinking style; however, social identity theory proposes that identity mediates the impact of social group members on development of thinking styles. This research project is the first attempt to empirically test the mediating role of criminal social identity in the development of criminal thinking styles within a recidivistic prison sample (N = 312). The structural equation model of criminal thinking style presented and tested in this study supports the central predictions of social identity theory, with findings demonstrating an indirect effect of antisocial friend associations on criminal thinking through in-group affect and in-group ties with criminal in-group members that reflect two of three dimensions of the measure of criminal social identity applied in the current study. Further implications in relation to theory and previous studies are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
We examine the roles of major trade languages in international trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. Empirical results confirm that speaking a common language increases trade and FDI flows, yet the effect of major languages is more substantial in FDI than in international trade. In addition, we find evidence of a hierarchy in transaction costs of major languages in both trade and FDI.  相似文献   

15.
This article provides an overview of the growing body of research pertaining to different forms of mediated nationhood. In particular, it focuses on the relatively recent trend toward increasing articulations of national identity with the language of consumerism and neoliberal market ideology. It argues that the process is twofold; on the one hand commercial entities employ nationalist appeals in order to sell their commodities, a process which is called “nationalizing the commercial”. On the other hand, nation states make advantage of advertising agencies to create attractive and competitive nation brands which is a process of “commercializing the national”. The article argues that this double logic is a result of the growing importance of the economic power in societies which can be named as " economization of the social" . In the context where the political articulations of nationhood are subsumed by the commercial ones, the link between the national and the commercial is seldom challenged or questioned.  相似文献   

16.
The present research posits and tests a model of household consumption of less necessary or luxury goods and services. It is hypothesized that a household's economic situation has a direct effect on this consumption as well as indirect effects mediated by aspiration level, social comparison and money management. Structural equation modeling of questionnaire data from a sample of households in a metropolitan area of Sweden (n=411) was used to test the model. The results reveal that as expected the household's economic situation has a significant direct effect on consumption and indirect effects through aspiration level and social comparison. The results also show that satisfaction with consumption increases with increased consumption and decreases with higher aspiration levels.  相似文献   

17.
This study examines how, within the context of the expansion of the European Union, various multi‐level factors circumscribe individuals’ national and European identity. Focusing on the differential impact of new opportunities that Europeanization offers to people with different backgrounds, we propose hypotheses regarding the effects of individuals’ geopolitical, ethnic, class, and national historical backgrounds on their national and European identity. Drawing on theories on sociopolitical identities, we hypothesize that minorities are more likely to identify with the European Union, but are less likely to identify with their nation and that more local lower‐level geopolitical attachments can enhance broader higher‐level ones. We also combine these individual‐level arguments with macro‐level theories and examine the impact of country‐level factors such as having a communist past, the duration of EU participation, and the levels of economic development and international integration. We test these hypotheses using ISSP survey data from 15 European countries for the years 1995 and 2003. Overall, the results support our predictions about minorities’ identification patterns and about the reinforcing relationships between local and macro identities in general. Our macro‐level analyses indicate different effects in postcommunist nations than in Western‐democratic states, indicating widespread disillusionment with the European Union in postcommunist countries.  相似文献   

18.
Identification with Europe can constitute an important part of psychological citizenship for European citizens. From a self-categorization perspective, higher-order (e.g. with Europe) and lower order subgroup identities (e.g. with the nation) may interfere with each other if they are seen as incompatible. We were interested in contextual moderators at school and country level of youth’ national identity on identification with Europe. We used multi-level regression analyses based on data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, collected from 14-year old students (n?=?71,282) from 22 European countries. Results showed strong positive effects of national identity at the individual, and classroom-level on European identity. However, main effects of national identity at the individual level were qualified by a number of interactions with contextual-level moderators. The relationship between national and European identity was weaker for adolescents attending classrooms or living in countries with lower average levels of trust in EU institutions. Living in countries with higher gender and income inequalities, less friendly immigration policies, and a communist past lessened the association between national and European identity. Results point to the powerful effects of context in shaping the relationship between national and European identity.  相似文献   

19.
This study involves a content analysis of the social studies curricula of England, France and Greece. The purpose of the study is to identify all direct and indirect references made to human and childrens' rights, a supranational theme, which transcends national cultures and is linked with European identity. The analysis revealed that the curriculum of Greece exceeds France and England in quantity at both direct and indirect references. The evidence at hand indicates that human rights as a transnational theme is occasionally and indirectly treated in the national curricula of the selected countries and it does not pervade all social studies subjects, neither can it be found transversally in various other subjects, especially in the case of England. Thus, the findings indicate that, as far as the curricula are concerned, the claims, policies and rhetoric about human rights articulated by politicians in the civil community of the European Union (EU) and cited in several documents, remain unsupported, since they are not fully reflected in the written curricula. It is concluded that nation states in the EU and elsewhere can no longer afford to offer students parochial pedagogy, ethnocentric and Eurocentric orientations ignoring supranational and global views, and themes such as human rights, which can mediate effectively for the formation of European and world identity.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

As underscored by their professional code of ethics, all social workers are called to engage in social action that advances social justice. Yet, the focus of the profession has drifted toward individual treatment and away from social reform. Drawing upon data from an online survey of graduate social work students (N= 199) in the United States, this study explores the role of student perceptions relating to the importance of and their confidence in engaging in social action. Specifically, we assess whether perceptions vary according to practice level (micro or macro), social identity, or survey completion date (before or after the 2016 United States presidential election). Findings suggest that respondents exhibit a high degree of interest and confidence in social action with limited variation on the basis of their practice level or background characteristics. Furthermore, the 2016 presidential election did little to change perceptions of social action. This suggests that the profession’s marginalization of macro practice is not necessarily driven by student interest or confidence.  相似文献   

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