The “ugly” face of social investment? The politics of childcare in Central and Eastern Europe

In this article, we aim to understand the development dynamics of a specific area of social investment (SI), that is, childcare policies, in the context of postcommunist politics and the recent right-wing turn that took place in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland. This article identifies varieties of channels for promoting SI. First, in taking the perspective of the “mixed economy of welfare,” we argue that attempts made to introduce elements of SI to the childcare policies involved various leading roles available for either the private sector or state/public domain. Second, it is important to distinguish between implicit/unintended and explicit/intended projects both in relation to cases in which SI strategy is applied via marketization/privatization and when it involves a government-led project. Third, we take into account the politics of SI implementation that might involve applying certain principles central to policy concepts (such as “investment”) in justifying policy instruments incompatible with original ideas. Although arguments about SI have been extensively used by Eastern European leaders, their goal has been to justify welfare reforms that were implicitly or explicitly directed towards the middle class while excluding the “nondeserving” often based on ethnic identity. We characterize Poland as a case of “implicit marketization,” the Czech Republic as a case of “explicit privatization,” and the Hungarian version of SI as a case of “explicit public dualization.” In this, we show that in some cases, the implementation of SI approaches by right-wing populist parties might rear its “ugly” head.     

The social composition of plaintiffs and defendants in the Peacemaker court,Leiden, 1750–54

This article assesses the social positions of the plaintiffs and defendants who appeared before a small claims court, namely the Peacemaker court (Vredemakers) of the city of Leiden in the Dutch Republic in the eighteenth century, a low threshold law court that boasted a quick and inexpensive procedure. Analysis of the social positions of the court's plaintiffs and defendants helps reveal the extent to which lower social groups actively made use of it. The article is based on linkage between a sample of users of the Peacemaker court during the years 1750–54 and a census of 1749 comprising socio-economic data for the entire Leiden population. The court clientele of the Peacemaker court was distinctively elitist. The court was thus first and foremost a forum for an inner group of more well-to-do households who were firmly established in the local community. The Peacemaker court was notably inexpensive and simple in its procedures, yet lower social groups remained markedly reticent to file complaints there, revealing a significant socio-cultural gap between these groups and the burgomasters and aldermen who staffed and maintained the courts.     

The measurement and implication of the older people’s social function in the community: a Shanghai experience

Abstract

The study employed a quantitative approach to measure the social function of the older people. From a questionnaire survey in a Shanghai community, we found that participants’ party affiliation, education, age group, functional capacity (IADL) and occupational status were the major factors affecting older people’s social function. The older people participated more actively, tended to trust others more and enjoyed better social function in the community. These findings lead to implications for social work practices and policymaking procedures on active ageing.     

Current practices in intake and service in family welfare organizations 1 : A study of the experience of eight agencies in 1934–35

Autism spectrum disorders include difficulties with social interaction, repetitive behavior, sensory sensitivity, and, often, concomitant language deficits. Psychodynamic theory is a powerful tool in explaining and treating the behavioral symptoms of autism. Specifically, the object relations theories of Melanie Klein and Wilfred Bion explicate the meanings and developmental challenges associated with autism. The epistemology of heuristics, with the use of triangulation, supports psychodynamic theory as one of multiple ways of interpreting phenomena. In this particular situation, the symptoms and presenting issues associated with autism evident in this composite clinical case are drawn from one of the author’s practice. This report illustrates the use of psychodynamic formulations and treatment in the psychotherapeutic work with a 12-year-old boy diagnosed with autism whom we call Austin.     

The “Great Leap Forward,” the People’s Communes and the Rupture of the Sino-Soviet Alliance

1957年莫斯科会议以后,中共对莫斯科在国际共运中的领导地位提出了挑战。毛泽东发动的“大跃进”名为“超英赶美”,实为赶超苏联,而大办人民公社则意在为整个社会主义阵营指出了一条通向共产主义的光明大道。对此,苏联一般干部及东欧国家表现出极大兴趣,而苏共领导人则一直保持沉默。克里姆林宫的这种暧昧和怀疑的态度激怒了毛泽东,特别是在庐山会议期间得知赫鲁晓夫公开发表言论,间接地否定了人民公社后,忍无可忍的毛泽东决定向一切怀疑和反对这两项“创举”的人宣战。这是导致中苏关系破裂的另一个重要导火索。     

The influence of perception of school principal’s leadership on teachers’ job satisfaction in the interior of Sabah,Malaysia: a case study in Beaufort

This study investigates the relationship between teachers’ perceptions of the school principal’s leadership and their job satisfaction in Beaufort, a multiethnic semirural area in the interior of Sabah, Malaysia. Results of the research showed that there is a significant positive relationship between the perceived leadership of the school principal and job satisfaction among the teaching staff, and the relationship is not influenced by the demographic attributes of the study participants. The results accentuate the importance of developing the leadership of principals in public schools to enhance the commitment and job satisfaction of the teaching staff, which indirectly affects the overall performance of schools and students.     

The relevance of institutions and people’s preferences in the PSNP and IN-SCT programmes in Ethiopia

The effective implementation of social protection interventions is key for achieving positive change. The existing literature mainly focuses on issues related to programme design and impact, rather than the factors that influence the emergence, expansion and provision of these programmes. This article builds on the recent literature that indicates that the quality of institutions and people’s preferences play an important role in the implementation of social protection. It does so by using Ethiopia and its Productive Safety Net Programme – one of the largest social protection programmes in sub-Saharan Africa – as a case study, thereby contributing to debates on how to implement social protection more effectively, particularly in settings of widespread poverty and relatively low levels of institutional capacity. Based on primary qualitative data, the article finds that greater institutional quality at the local level is associated with the more effective provision of social protection. The ability of community members and social protection clients to voice preferences can lead to adaptations in implementation, although the extent to which this occurs is highly gendered.     

The welfare service practitioners’ perception of their power position in the user participation imperative

In the popular user participation rhetoric of social work practice, and amid the outcry for sharing power with the welfare service users when providers make service decisions, much research attention has been put on the circumstances that impeded the users’ voices, presuming that the service practitioners actually have de facto power over the service users. Based on the findings of a participatory research project conducted in Hong Kong, this paper scrutinises this presumed position of power from the service providers’ own perspective. Drawn from interviews of 47 service practitioners individually or in group, this phenomenological account is important for deciphering the conscious experiences that influence the service practitioners’ actions and reactions within participative spaces.     

Society without the social: the Spanish labour movement and the rise of the social, 1840–1880

Focusing on the Spanish case, this article addresses two fundamental questions: why were many unionized workers sceptical about state intervention in labour issues throughout the nineteenth century, and why did this attitude begin to change from the 1860s onwards? Its main thesis is that workers’ attitudes derived ultimately from different historical notions of ‘society’ that shaped their perceptions and experiences of labour relations and their attitude toward the role of the state. Thus, a notion of society as an aggregation of individuals shaped unionized Spanish workers’ hostility toward state intervention since the creation of the first unions in the 1840s. From the 1860s onward, a new conception of collective relations, namely ‘the social’, began to transform some workers’ expectations of the role of the state in labour conflicts. The main factor that explains this change, it is argued, lies in the relationship between the workers’ imaginary, their actions, and their expectations about these actions.     

The senator’s tale: the development of Bremen’s bourgeoisie in the post-1945 era

Were members of the German bourgeoisie capable of forming the foundation for a new self-understanding of post-1945German society? Or did they prove to be unsuited as agents of Germany’s new beginning? This article seeks to answer these questions by focusing on historical developments in the early phase of the Federal Republic of Germany as reflected in the biography of one prominent representative of the German bourgeoisie. Theodor Spitta, who was born in 1873, was elected in 1911as a senator for life in the government of the Free Hanse City of Bremen. Spitta was an outstanding representative of a generation socialized under the last German Kaiser, a generation which perceived itself as part of a politically liberal Bremen bourgeoisie. He feared the gradual decline, indeed the disintegration of his class. None the less – or perhaps for that very reason – he committed himself to the goal of restoring a regionally specific form of bourgeois life in the city of Bremen. Although Spitta declared a ‘farewell to the bourgeoisie’ in his autobiographical texts, that did not prevent him from actively pursuing the revival of a unique urban-bourgeois ‘spirit’. This spirit was to serve as a tool in promoting Bremen’s central political goal in post-1945Germany: the preservation of the city-state’s unique status within Germany’s federal system.     

Punitive benefit sanctions,welfare conditionality,and the social abuse of unemployed people in Britain: Transforming claimants into offenders?

A defining feature of U.K. welfare reform since 2010 has been the concerted move towards greater compulsion and sanctioning, which has been interpreted by some social policy scholars as punitive and cruel. In this article, we borrow concepts from criminology and sociology to develop new interpretations of welfare conditionality. Based on data from a major Economic and Social Research Council-funded qualitative longitudinal study (2014–2019), we document the suffering that unemployed claimants experienced because of harsh conditionality. We find that punitive welfare conditionality often caused symbolic and material suffering and sometimes had life-threatening effects. We argue that a wide range of suffering induced by welfare conditionality can be understood as ‘social abuse’, including the demoralisation of the futile job-search treadwheel and the self-administered surveillance of the Universal Jobmatch panopticon. We identify a range of active claimant responses to state perpetrated harm, including acquiescence, adaptation, resistance, and disengagement. We conclude that punitive post-2010 unemployment correction can be seen as a reinvention of failed historic forms of punishment for offenders.     

The Role of the Supreme People’s Court and Its Evolution

China does not have the political system of separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial divisions but puts into practice a different kind of system for separation of powers and checks and balance among public security, the procuratorate and the trial of cases (to which we may add judicial administration) within the judicial organs themselves. The federalist judicial system finds no place here; instead,     

Localization of Marxism in China and the Construc-tion of China’s Modernity

现代性在中国的生成与建构,是与马克思主义中国化历史地联系在一起的;中国现代性的建构,也历史地确定了马克思主义中国化的起点、任务与方向。马克思主义中国化的理论任务就是要求确立以建设为核心的观念、以促进人与社会的全面发展为主旨的马克思主义理论话语系统,构造一套符合全球化时代要求、有利于中华民族复兴及长治久安、并具有自检与防御机制及能力的开放性的社会、政治与文化体系。