制度创新是可持续发展和行政科学决策的保障

一、广州城市建设的经验教训：行政决策必须科学化 城市可持续发展是一项复杂的系统工程，它涉及社会经济、政治、法律、文化等各个方面的制度建设与体制创新，而行政决策的科学化是实现可持续发展的关键。因为，政府的错误决策或错误的政策导向往往是造成环境破坏和不能持续发展的重要原因，尤其是在政府权力垄断领域，如城市土地资源的开发利用、城市公共设施的建设，城市规划等领域，这种现象尤为严重。以广州的城市建设为例，尽管自改……     

我国中小旅游城市可持续发展能力评价研究

中小旅游城市以其独有的资源,展现着自身的地方特色和民俗风情,是我国旅游城市体系中的重要组成部分。中小旅游城市可持续发展能力评价指标体系的构建着眼于环境承载力、经济持续力、社会持续力和文化持续力四个方面。通过运用灰色关联分析对我国24个中小旅游城市进行评价的结果表明:我国中小旅游城市可持续发展能力的空间分布呈凝聚型;不同级别的旅游城市可持续发展能力空间分布与经济水平的空间分布之间的耦合关系不一致,但却与区域旅游资源优势存在较大的相关性。根据这一结果,东、中、西三大区域中小旅游城市应努力结合自身特色,采取差异化的城市发展战略以构建其独有的竞争优势。     

可持续发展视角下的北京水资源承载力研究

随着城市人口的增长及城市规模的迅速扩张,城市资源的承载力对于城市发展的重要性引起人们的高度关注。城市的资源承载能力能否与城市可持续发展目标相协调,关系到城市发展的前景。本文旨在从支撑城市人口及经济社会活动可持续发展的水资源要素出发,系统界定城市水资源承载力的核心内涵,以期为政府制定、调整和落实城市可持续发展的各项政策措施提供参考。     

西部农村空巢老人的社会工作服务模式研究

论文结合西部农村的人文环境与区域性独特资源,阐述了现实中的空巢老人社会工作服务存在中西、城乡与区域之间三大差异,分析指出三大差异实质上反映了空巢老人身处的社会环境迥异.在"个人—家庭—社区—社会"结构下,论文分析了当前西部农村养老服务呈现的失衡现状.基于此,论文尝试构建了"三社联动"的社会工作服务模式,以期回应西部农村养老需求,为地方政府制定合理的老龄政策提供科学的决策参考.     

试论服务型政府与构建和谐社会

服务型政府的宗旨就是全心全意为人民服务。服务型政府与构建和谐社会密切联系,两者是相互促进、内在统一的。两者都把以人为本作为价值取向,都把统筹兼顾作为工作方法,都以实现全面协调可持续发展作为基本要求。在推进服务型政府建设过程中一定要同促进社会和谐有机统一起来,通过加强政府自身建设,大力发展经济,创新社会政策,发展和谐文化等措施大力促进社会和谐。     

论环境风险视域中的责任伦理体系之构建

全球化浪潮的迅速蔓延使当前社会陷入不可预知的环境风险。现代环境风险是科技理性至上的现代性后果、知识依赖性增强的不确定性后果和"有组织的不负责任"的全球化后果,它暴露了GDP主义的危害、科技理性的局限与社会体制的弊端。因此,积极防范并主动应对环境风险挑战的可能出路在于社会责任伦理体系的重构:经济上,推动企业经济内`生型增长模式转变,将环境资本与经济要素纳入发展绩效考核指标;政治上,推进政府绩效考核制度变革,推行政府环境的行政问责;科技上,构建"政产学研"联动的环保科技创新体系,培育新的环保产业经济增长点。此外,搭建社会公众的环保参与平台,努力推进公众内在环境道德自律与外在他律的有机结合。     

关于我国发展城市公共卫生事业的若干思考

健康不仅是城市人与社会发挥功能的前提条件,也是城市人与社会全面、协调、可持续发展的一种社会财富。要大力发展城市公共卫生事业就必须加强对城市公共卫生事业发展的经济支持和社会政策支持,同时还要积极推进社区卫生服务体系,进而通过发展公共卫生事业来促进城市社会公平。     

关于我国发展城市公共卫生事业的若干思考

健康不仅是城市人与社会发挥功能的前提条件,也是城市人与社会全面、协调、可持续发展的一种社会财富.要大力发展城市公共卫生事业就必须加强对城市公共卫生事业发展的经济支持和社会政策支持,同时还要积极推进社区卫生服务体系,进而通过发展公共卫生事业来促进城市社会公平.     

弱势群体的利益补偿与和谐社会建设(英文)

经济体制改革使中国取得了显著的经济成就,也引发了众多社会问题。片面强调经济增长和市场化改革使某些城市职工和农民的利益遭受损失,比如城市职工失业、农民失去土地等。为了社会公平和建立社会秩序、促进社会和谐,政府应该对弱势群体给予利益补偿,应该积极发展社会政策。中国不但需要科学地制定社会政策,而且需要科学有效地实施社会政策,需要重建政府与民众之间的相互信任。     

中国能源可持续发展模式研究

随着经济社会发展,能源消费需求逐渐增加,但中国能源结构不合理、生态破坏严重等问题突出,能源可持续发展迫在眉睫。构建基于HET的能源可持续发展模式,以人为中心、以生态化为目标、以科技创新为助推器,需要公众推动、技术驱动、政策和市场拉动及伦理引导,兼顾生态、社会和经济效益,实现技术和人的生态化,提高能源使用效率,实现自然环境承载力下的社会和经济效益最大化,以及和谐社会的构建。     

全球治理:中国不干涉政策与国际法

一直以来,独立自主的和平外交政策是中国政府开展对外关系的基石,集中体现为坚定奉行不干涉政策。随着经济全球化进程以及中国"走出去"战略的不断推进,一方面,中国国家利益开始遍布海外,并与他国利益相互交织在一起;另一方面,中国参与全球治理也需要让渡部分主权性权利。越来越多的人认为,中国政府一味机械地固守不干涉政策似乎显得有点陈腐和过时。因此,在继续恪守不干涉他国内部事务和尊重他国主权等国际法基本原则的基础上,中国政府需要适时和灵活地调整以往对外严格奉行的不干涉政策,积极而创造性地介入国际事务,这对于其在新时期担负起"负责任大国"的角色、参与塑造新的世界秩序以及促进当代国际法的发展都具有十分重要的战略意义。     

Development strategy in Korea reexamined: an interventionist perspective

This article reexamines the controversial issue of development strategy in Korea. Two conflicting views on the Korean development experience are introduced. The key questions discussed herein include the following: Which perspective outperforms the other in its explanatory power? If government did play a pivotal role in Korea’s development, what exactly are the essential features of that role? This article confirms the interventionist notion that the successful economic development of Korea was mainly rooted in the aggressive role of government. Korean policy has strategically changed in direction but not in degree. Carefully sequenced “target shifting” and “constant upgrading” by government were the ultimate sources of Korea’s outstanding economic performance in the early stages of development.     

New Labour, Work and the Family

New Labour has put support for the family at the core of its notion of the “strong community”. Across a range of policy areas the Labour government can be seen to be developing a direct and explicit family policy. But what kind of community is the government trying to shape by these policies? On the one hand, Labour appears to support the family as the basis of a more moral, dutiful and cohesive community. On the other hand, the government has given weight to policies that support social inclusion in the community through paid work. This paper examines whether there is a tension in Labour’s social policies between its emphasis on the importance of stable family life and the primacy given to paid work. Are critics like Ruth Levitas right when they argue that the government’s emphasis on paid work devalues, and is unsupportive of, unpaid work, especially caring for children and other family members? Alternatively, can this combination of communitarianisms—community as “stable family” and community as “paid work”—be seen to be marking out some “third way” on the family? We shall show that different aspects of the government’s family policies reflect different perspectives and policy agendas within New Labour and third‐way thinking more broadly. And while recognizing the tensions between work and the family, we shall suggest that they are often overstated and fail to give sufficient weight to the complementary aspects of Labour’s welfare reforms.     

Examining the link between democracy,social policy,and inclusive development in South‐East Asia

This research investigates the impact of democracy on inclusive development and mainly addresses the question “Does democracy matter in the delivery of larger and more effective social policies that improve inclusive development?” The four cases selected to empirically analyze the relationship among three variables (democracy, social policy, and inclusive development) were Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. The three main variables were modeled and analyzed by partial least squares–structural equation modeling technique. The finding revealed that social policy was one of the potential variables linking democracy and inclusive development, especially when the development of democratic institution runs stably.     

“开禁”还是“飨宴”？--汉唐北宋赐酺举措缘起、背景与施行动因的再探讨

汉唐北宋时代的“酒禁”政策并不能直观地理解为“禁民饮酒”。“禁群饮”之举在当时虽有发生,却始终并非一项整体与长期的国家政策,在其已然宣布的时期之内,执行与贯彻的力度也大可存疑。笼统地以“酒禁”或“禁群饮”政策的存在来解释赐酺举措发生和存续的合理性缺乏说服力。酺会在汉唐北宋的不断发生、持续流行,根本原因在于其最为核心的内容与意义是飨宴欢会。其给民众带来更热烈的欢宴体验、更加丰富的公共活动内涵以及更为广大的社交活动平台,同时为统治者提供得力的政治工具。赐酺之举的丰富功能使得其能够横历不同王朝,长期存在。     

The performance of the Australian welfare system in a time of neoliberal economic reform

“Neoliberalism”, both as a body of theory and as a set of policies and practices, is commonly seen as unsympathetic, even antagonistic, to the welfare state. In the period from the mid‐1980s to the global financial crisis of 2007–08, Australia underwent very considerable “neoliberal” economic policy reform. What happened to the Australian welfare system and to Australia's socioeconomic egalitarianism in this period? To shed light on that question three kinds of trend are tracked. The first is household taxes and social expenditure in both cash and kind, using fiscal incidence analysis where the main metric is “net benefits”. The second is economic inequality, as measured by the distribution of incomes and wealth. The third is the performance of the labor market, as measured by earned incomes and unemployment rates. The article concludes with an attempt to integrate the evidence collected from these three sources. The general conclusion is that the Australian welfare system did not follow the pessimists' predictions. The welfare system grew in size and redistributive quantum. Wage levels rose strongly, while unemployment rates fell. Overall, income inequality increased to a small extent, though mainly before the full economic reform process was in place, while wealth inequality changed little.     

The Development of Social Assistance and Unemployment Insurance in Germany and Japan

Both Japan and (West) Germany were subjected to foreign “Allied”Occupation from 1945. In this fiftieth anniversary year of the ending of World War Two and the commencement of these periods of Occupation, this paper assesses and compares the impact of the latter experience on social policy development in Germany and Japan. In particular, it focusses on social assistance and unemployment insurance, on the grounds that provision for “the able-bodied poor”constitutes a clear guide as to how far each society has progressed or is progressing along the road to “social citizenship”as defined by T. H. Marshall. The import of Allied Occupation was in practice quite different in the two cases, not least because of their very different paths of social policy development beforehand. Developments in the wake of Occupation and upto the present are nonetheless indicative of there being some elements of policy “convergence”, which welfare state regime theory has hitherto failed to allow for in its concentration upon “whole systems”at the expense of more detailed policy “subsystem”review.     

东北亚命运共同体构建何以成为可能?

在中国政府提出将与国际社会共同构建“人类命运共同体”之后,人们普遍感觉到中国正在积极推动东北亚地区的合作与和解,因而有关构建东北亚命运共同体的设想也格外引人注目。虽然官方并未公布构建东北亚地区命运共同体的政策目标,但呼吁构建周边命运共同体和亚洲命运共同体。与历史上日韩等提出的“东亚(东北亚)共同体”建设不同,中国政府分外重视命运共同体所体现的共享历史、平等、相互尊重和共同发展的含义,是一种超越反霸和同盟关系、推动新型伙伴关系建设的话语体系。在比较各方关于东北亚地区的定义后可以发现,“东北亚”是一个地缘政治概念,直至中美关系改善和中国推进改革开放后,这个术语才有了接近今天所表述的整体感。即便如此,域内国家对东北亚的边界仍有不同意见,经济学者和政治学者讨论东亚(东北亚)时对概念的范围也有分歧,因而仍难以形成一致的地区认同和地区发展愿景。未来,需要进一步研究东北亚作为一个整体的国际关系和地缘政治经济演变趋势,才能进一步推动东北亚命运共同体建设。     

Neoliberal Knowledge: The Decline of Technocracy and the Weakening of the Montreal Protocol*

Objective. The turn to participatory, stakeholder modes of governance has been accompanied by the legitimization of a new “particularist knowledge regime” emphasizing the knowledge claims made by private interests and local voices. It has also tended to de‐legitimize the ways of knowing that had characterized central state governance, namely, state expertise based on general welfare analytics such as cost‐benefit analysis. This turn away from state expertise, what we call the “anti‐technocratic consensus,” while stemming from democratic motivations, may actually make environmental governance less democratic. Method. We examine the problems that arise from the abandonment of general welfare economic analytics and technical expertise—the anti‐technocratic consensus—through a specific case study: the recent handling of “critical use exemptions” to the ban on methyl bromide under the Montreal Protocol, a treaty that mandates the elimination of methyl bromide in order to protect the ozone layer. We show that decisionmakers specifically rejected general welfare analytics as a basis of regulatory action in favor of a particularist form of analytics based on measuring market disruption. Results. This case illustrate how the de‐legitimization of technical expertise can weaken the effectiveness of an environmental agreement in meeting its regulatory mandate. Critics have often criticized technical expertise as supporting the economic status quo. However, in the case of methyl bromide and the Montreal Protocol, technical experts using general welfare analytics represented a challenge to U.S. regulatory officials who supported industrial interests and their request for significant exemptions to the ban. Conclusion. The legitimization of a particularist knowledge regime opens up policy making to domination by private interests playing the stakeholder game. Stakeholder input and particularist knowledges are important to democratic decision making. However, technical expertise, despite all its weaknesses, is a form of knowledge that remains necessary to the protection of the environment and public health.