基于文化认同的国族认同——印度国民志愿服务团的包“熔”主义及其实践

印度人民党近年来在印度政坛强势崛起,其政治成功离不开印度国民志愿服务团的支持与引领。印度人民党的政治成功不仅是施政纲领、选举策略等技术层面的成功,更是其印度教民族主义意识形态的成功,而国族认同以及国族建构则是这种意识形态理论的核心内容。在国民志愿服务团的主导下,印度的国族认同建构日益向印度教民族主义的方向推进。实际上,印度的国族认同建构是一种基于文化认同的国族认同,可被概括为“包‘熔’主义”,其是以包容主义为外壳、以印度教特性为价值内核、以印度教(文化)认同为基础的渐进式同质化的国族认同建构模式。包“熔”主义并非一蹴而就,其形成伴随着印度教民族主义的发展,其实践方式主要有身份改造、文化挪用和国民教育的“藏红花化”。     

民族、民族主义与国家建构类型

在现代政治中,民族共同体的想象总是和国家建构关联在一起。不同的精英主体有不同的共同体想象。不同的共同体想象,即关于民族不同的认知孕育不同的民族主义。精英主张的不同民族主义影响国家建构方式的选择。本文通过梳理既有文献指出,不同的精英在具体的社会政治环境中主张不同的民族主义,即排他性的族群民族主义和包容性的公民民族主义。在国家建构问题上,族群民族主义强调同一国家的成员必须具有共同的祖先;公民民族主义则强调包容,主张国家是所有公民的集体财产。     

印度伊斯兰民族主义的缘起

本文解析了印度伊斯兰民族主义兴起的原因,认为穆斯林缺席印度民族主义的想象、穆斯林建构了自己的教育朝圣之旅、穆斯林与印度教徒之间巨大的宗教和文化冲突、穆斯林与印度教徒存在严重的利益之争、英国分而治之政策的影响等诸多因素的结合导致印度穆斯林产生了印度伊斯兰民族主义的想象。     

试析印巴分治后印度穆斯林身份认同的发展变化

印巴分治后,印度穆斯林身份认同经历了三个阶段的发展变化:认同世俗主义政治、穆斯林集团意识的增强和宗教意识的增强。这一变化是多方面因素综合作用的结果,国大党世俗政策的衰微和印度教民族主义运动的复兴是其中最重要的原因。从总体来看,虽然印度穆斯林的宗教意识在增强,但一直在世俗民主政治框架下调整自己的身份认同,而这对于印度社会的稳定是非常重要的。     

国家认同建构的现实途径:大众媒介与"想象社群"的形成

在一个现代世界里,与地域、部落、家庭和宗教密切相联的"前现代的"认同被粉碎了.传统的身份资源(教堂、家庭、地方社群、民族国家等)处在日益的衰落之中.在该语境下,最大意义上的"政治社群"--民族国家的维系、巩固与重构成为民族主义与民族国家亟需解决的问题.大众媒介对"想象社群"的形成所起的促进作用成为国家认同建构的新途径.     

后苏俄时代的社会认同：经验证据与理论解释

需要研究的问题 在近期后苏俄社会的转型研究中出现的核心问题，涉及到了个人认同不同社会群体和共同体的基本特征，这些群体和共同体包括种群或民族国家，社会身份地位或边缘群体等各种社会文化建构。很显然，这些纷繁多样、重重叠叠、共同拥有而且又很偶然的“认同”，为自我与社会之间的交往，也为社会行动的新“行动者”的形成提供了新形态。在政治和经济转型时期，     

法国启蒙运动与旧制度后期的民族主义话语

法国旧制度后期民族主义的发展,在很大程度上受政府与高等法院之间的冲突的影响。在长期的冲突中,一些最重要的民族主义话语得以形成。作为18世纪政治文化的重要组成部分,启蒙运动则对这些话语或多或少都产生了影响。它参与到民族主义话语对于历史和民族认同的建构之中,在理论层面上阐释民族情感与爱国主义。“哲学家们”还在公共领域中传播着这些观念。至法国大革命前夕,在公共舆论中,民族主义已经获得了更为普遍的接受。     

公民身份认同：一个新研究领域的形成理路

公民身份的认同问题是20世纪90年代以后由公民身份研究与认同研究结合而被推动起来的,是亚民族的地方认同与超民族的区域认同汇合到政治层面得以表达的结果,对西方民族国家建构的现代公民身份及其认同形态都产生很大冲击。公民身份与认同既相矛盾又可部分融合;公民身份认同主要关注个体或群体对政治共同体之成员地位（包括自我安全、归属、团结、包容或排斥）的心理认知和主观感受,在于提升政治共同体之成员的尊严和地位。公民身份认同研究从外部可以划分为宪政爱国主义、多元主义、激进民主主义这三种理论视角与政治主张,从内部可以划分为合法化构建的、拒斥性的、重新规划的公民身份认同三种类型。本文立足于20世纪90年代以来西方社会政治理论的主要文献,旨在厘清公民身份与认同两议题的结合过程,阐释据于公民身份认同的不同理论旨趣,探讨其内在的分形结构。公民身份认同研究正日益受到学术界的高度关注,其内部分形在现实上正挑战着现代公民身份的单一认同结构。
关键词：公民身份认同公民身份认同合法化构建的拒斥性的重新规划的     

90年代后日本的右倾民族主义

日本20世纪90年代以后出现的右倾民族主义表现出体系化、大众化的特征。它可以被分解为三个层面:与新保守主义政治哲学相结合的民族主义政治观、文化教育领域的右倾民族主义思潮和大众层次上的民族主义情绪。民族主义右倾化发展的原因主要有三点:对经济全球化浪潮的反动、和平主义思潮在冷战结束后失去了社会基础、国民的世代交替等。因此,日本的右倾民族主义发展的必然结果是:争当政治大国,积极谋求成为联合国安理会常任理事国,扩张军事实力,修改宪法,加强爱国主义教育等。     

简论日本文化产业的缘起与发展特征——一种文化民族主义的分析视角

由于战后美国对日本的军事占领和社会改造,日本尽管经济在20世纪60、70年代得到了迅猛发展,但是日本对内存在公民文化身份的认同不清,对外出现国家文化身份的缺失,因此一种文化不安全感充溢着社会。80、90年代,日本政府利用其国内文化民族主义思潮高涨的契机,适时推出文化立国战略。在此背景下发展文化产业,既满足本国人们现代精神消费需要,又对国民进行文化价值观的集体建构,而大量出口文化产品,让国际消费者感知日本文化符号、社会价值的同时,提升其文化的国际认同、建构良好的文化形象。日本文化产业的缘起、发展特征中文化民族主义起到了内化作用,但这种作用具有两面性。     

Political Identity: A Perspective from Cultural Identity

Identity is the “sameness” and belonging of identification. In a real sense, cultural identity is often related to ethno-cultural identity, while political identity and national identity are more often inseparable. Cultural identity lays particular stress on the group destiny of a people or ethnic group from which its members cannot withdraw. Political identity, on the other hand, highlights the subjective values and intentions chosen, judged and assessed by the members of society. Since modern times, politics, as the surface of the social structure, has demonstrated increasingly serious conflict and perplexity, and the decline of the political identity has gradually developed into a common social phenomenon. Considering the high complementarity and the mutual stimulation between cultural identity and political identity, we should take cultural identity as the pivot for our entry into the actual practice of community politics, with a view to promoting institutional innovations, making interest adjustments, and intensifying the community members’ sense of belonging. These are exceptionally meaningful for strengthening the political identity of a community.     

Vinayak & me: Hindutva and the politics of naming

This article examines political and intellectual influences of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar's Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? (published in 1923) on the development of nationalism in India. The article argues that contemporary political concerns about national identity raised in India have historical links that go back to Savarkar's text, especially the discourses on the politics of naming. The article considers the implications of these writings on one of Savarkar's disciples: Dr Dattatrey Parchure, an individual who had acquired notoriety for his role in Mohandas K. Gandhi's assassination in 1948. By examining Dr Parchure's life-story, the article shows how transformations in the family, the medical profession, masculinity and religion were directly intertwined with an emergent Hindu nationalism. But more specifically, the article examines Dr Parchure's decision to name children Vinayak as a way of evoking a mental image of Savarkar as an icon in everyday life and to propagate the ideals of Hindutva . The article posits that the politics of figures like Dr Parchure and Savarkar reflect a conjuncture in the development of nationalism in India during the colonial period, and their legacies continue to influence the making of today's post-colonial nationalism.     

斐济的民族主义与种族冲突——1987年斐济军事政变的起因分析

由于历史原因和英国殖民统治时期的"分而治之"政策,斐济国内两大种族之间的矛盾和冲突十分尖锐,最终导致了1987年的两次军事政变。个中缘由众多,但在笔者看来,"二战"后民族主义的勃兴以及两大种族之间长期以来的矛盾与冲突,是造成该国政治冲突的根本原因。斐济应摒弃对土著斐济人优越地位的维护,放弃简单的二分法,加快民主进程,重新定义"斐济人"的概念,以缓解政治冲突。     

SPECIAL ISSUE： NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE COURSE OF GLOBALIZATION Political Identity： A Perspective from Cultural Identity

认同是“同一性”及身份的归属。在现实性上,文化认同往往与民族认同联系在一起,政治认同则与国家认同如影随形。文化认同侧重的是民族成员不可退出的族属命运,政治认同则凸显了社会成员选择和判断的主观意旨。近代以降,悬浮在社会结构表层的政治因时代特征的变化而显现出不断加深的矛盾和困惑,政治认同的现实式微已经成为普遍的社会现象。鉴于文化认同与政治认同之间高度的互补性和相互促进性,以文化认同为支点切入共同体政治的实际,带动制度创新、进行利益调适、强化身份归属,对共同体政治认同的强化格外具有现实意义。     

Engaging men for gender justice: Overcoming barriers to girls' education in the Pashtun tribes of Pakistan

Resistance to girls' education is a social justice and human rights issue in many countries. In Pakistan, where the lowest school enrollment for girls is in Pashtun areas bordering Afghanistan, it is especially problematic. Pashtun society is patriarchal: Men have the power to construct obstacles to girls' education, and to remove them. This article therefore explores a different way of overcoming barriers to gender justice, namely through the participation of men. A qualitative Delphi process and in‐depth interviews with Pashtun men led to their consensus on seven key points of leverage where action could be taken. Participants agreed that progress toward gender parity could be achieved only by making allies of powerful community leaders, especially religious leaders, and by utilizing existing institutions, such as the mosque, Jirga (council of elders), and the men's guest house. For each point of leverage, a policy recommendation is made for increasing girls' participation in education.     

The production and reproduction of Chinese and Taiwanese identities in Taiwan’s popular songs

This article charts the impact of Chinese and Taiwanese identities on popular songs in Taiwan in three major historical periods: the Japanese colonization between 1895 and 1945; the Kuomintang (KMT) rule between 1945 and 1987; and the cultivation of Taiwanese identity since the 1980s. By exploring the historical processes of nation-building on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, this article demonstrates how socio-political transformations have produced, reproduced and mediated both Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese identity, and the role of popular songs in that process. It shows how, since 1895, the themes of popular songs have developed through processes of ‘de-Japanizing’ to ‘de-Sinolizing’ to ‘Taiwanizing’. The political and cultural forces which have affected both Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese identities are evident in the changing market for Taiwan’s popular songs. At a period when questions of political and cultural identity are still hotly debated in Taiwan, popular songs now seek to integrate its multiple identities.     

TWO WAVES OF CROATIAN MIGRANTS IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA: CLASS AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

This paper examines the ways in which two waves of Croatian migrants in Western Australia have constructed their ethnic/national identity following migration. These two waves – the first took place during the 1960s and the early 1970s and the second in the late 1980s/early 1990s – are considerably different in terms of their socio-economic background. The earlier wave came from rural areas of Croatia and can be described as typically working class, while the recent wave came from the cities and predominantly consists of professional people. Migrants from the 1960s wave express a strong identification with their place (village, town, island) of origin and form a rather close-knit ethnic ‘community of place’. There is a strong link between territory, ethnicity and identity in this group of migrants. Recent developments in Croatia (the war for independence) have helped to ‘enlarge’ this local-ethnic focus into an ‘imagined’ national identity. Ethno-national belonging and identification is not emphasised in the recent group of Croatian migrants. Their ‘Croatianness’ is secondary in the re-construction of their identity following migration. It is their professional identification that seems to be central in this process. They consider the Croatian ‘ethnic community’ to be irrelevant to their life in Australia and seek to integrate into the broader Australian community primarily through their professional work.     

A Contested Identity: An Exploration of the Competing Social and Political Discourse Concerning the Identification and Positioning of Young People of Inter-Racial Parentage

The development of racial and ethnic identity of minority ethnicchildren and young people in contemporary multi-racial Westernsociety remains an important academic concern. More recently,a relatively new debate about the identity and ‘correct’labelling of children of inter-racial relationships has beenbrewing in British academic literature. Nowhere is this morevociferous and intense than in the field of social work. Thispaper identifies two competing perspectives vying for positionin this ideological and political battle. It is argued thatwhilst overall consensus may not be possible or even desirable,it is important to explore these ideological positions as theyplay a key role in influencing social work policy and practice.