The reactions of English Canadians and French Québécois to native Indian protest*

Utilisant les données d'une étude ménee à travers le Canada en 1976, les deux sous-échantillons cités dans le titre sont comparés en termes de leur conscience des protestations de la part des Amérindiens, et du degré d'approbation envers leurs tactiques spécifiques de protestation. Des niveaux très bas de conscience caractérisent les deux sous-échantillons, et en particulier, celui des francophones. Alors que ni l'un ni l'autre des sous-échantillons ne démontre une attitude réactionnaire envers les protestations amérindiennes, les anglo-phones ressortent avec beaucoup moins d'approbation que les francophones envers l'affirmation protestataire des Amérindiens. Un schéma classificatoire est développé afin de raffiner les concept de réaction (‘back-lash’). Using data from a 1976 nation-wide survey, the two subsamples cited in the title are compared in terms of awareness of native Indian protest and degree of (dis)approval of specific protest tactics used by Indians. Low levels of awareness characterize both subsamples, particularly that of the francophones. While neither subsample exhibits an atti-tudinal backlash to Indian protest, anglophones are significantly less approving of Indian protest assertiveness than are francophones. A classificatory schema is developed to refine the concept of backlash.     

La technique et les Québécois francophones: étude du cas d'une société dominée*

This paper explores the unique features of the process of the appropriation of technology by French-speaking Quebeckers as typified by the case of Forano in Plessisville. The sociographic analysis of the evolution of technology at Forano proceeds in three stages, plotting the genesis of the new political economy of Quebec, characterized by a reversal of the historical pattern of economic domination and the emergence of a competitive economy. The author studies the reversal as a process of the appropriation of technology and technical expertise closely related to the declining significance of kinship relations and the growing role of government intervention. Cet article vise à porter au jour la nature spécifique de l'appropriation de la technique chez les Québécois francophones par l'analyse du cas de la Forano de Plessisville, particulièrernent propice à cette fin. L'étude sociographique de la technique en son sein est opérée à trois époques distinctes, constitutives de la genèse de la nouvelleeAconomie politique francophone aujourd'hui en vedette, caractérisée par un renversement d'une économie dominée en une économie désormais concurrentielle. Ce renversement est ici observé du point de vue de l'appropriation de la technique et de la connaissance technique dont les transformations sont relatives à la dissolution des rapports de parenté et de l'intervention de 1'État.     

Opposition to multiculturalism among Québécois and English-Canadians*

Ceci est le compte rendu d'une analyse de données déjà recueillies résultant d'une étude nationale sur la qualité de la vie (Quality of life study, 1977) qui compare les attitudes des Canadiens anglais et des Québécois face au multiculturalisme. Nous avons mis à l'épreuve 5 prédictions basées sur l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique; 4 se sont avérées sans fondement. La question du revenu par exemple, avail les mêmes types de rapports avec les attitudes multiculturelles chez les groupes des deux langues; et ces rapports n'étaient pas moins marqués parmi les Québécois, tel que prédit par l'hypothèse de la classe ethnique. Cependant l'attitude des Québécois a été plus négative envers les cultures minoritaires et la valeur de la contribution qu'apportent les immigrants à la société canadienne. Ils ont étéégalement plus enclins à l'idée de limiter l'immigration en général, et en particulier l'immigration des pays de langue anglaise et de l'Italie. D'autre part, les résultats ont démontré une plus grande opposition parmi les Canadiens anglophones aux immigrants venant de l'Inde, du Pakistan, et des Antilles. Nous terminons avec quelques observations sur les orientations différentielles face au multiculturalisme dans les deux communautés. We report on a secondary analysis of national survey data (Quality of Life Study, 1977) comparing the multicultural attitudes of English-Canadians (N = 1593) and Québécois (N = 674). We tested five predictions based on the ethnic-class hypothesis and found no support for four of them. For example, income had similar types of relationships with multicultural attitudes in each language group; these relationships were not less marked among the Québécois, as predicted by the ethnic-class hypothesis. The Québécois were, however, more negative toward minority cultures and the value of immigrants' contributions to Canadian society. They were also more disposed to limit immigration in general, and more specifically, immigration from English-speaking nations and Italy. Set against these results were the findings of greater opposition among English-speaking Canadians to immigrants from India, Pakistan and the West Indies. We conclude with some observations on the alternative orientations to multiculturalism in the two communities.     

Debat feministe sur la prostitution au Québec: points de vue des travailleuses du sexe*

Two schools of feminist thought are at odds: neo‐abolitionists arguing for the eradication of prostitution and sex workers demanding better working conditions. This article presents focus group discussions with persons involved in the production of the feminist sex worker's discourse in Quebec. Participants set out four elements deemed unacceptable in the current feminist debate: domination, lack of understanding, meaning accorded to women's decisions, and stigmatization. The analysis outlines the terms and complexity of this ongoing debate. Deux écoles de pensée féministe s'affrontent: les néo‐abolitionnistes, qui militent pour l'eradication de la prostitution, et les travailleuses du sexe, qui revendiquent l'amelioration de leurs conditions de travail. Cet article présente l'analyse de discussions de groupe avec des personnes jouant un rôle dans la production du discours tenu par le camp du travail du sexe au Québec. Les participantes exposent des éléments jugés inacceptables dans le débat féministe actuel: la domination, l'incom‐préhension, le sens conféré aux décisions prises par les femmes, et la stigmatisation. Les propos recueillis mettent en lumière les termes de la polémique et démontrent la complexité du débat.     

Sense of control over life circumstances: changing patterns for French and English Canadians*

Cet article examine l'hypothèse selon laquelle le sentiment, chez les Canadiens-français, que leur vie, tant actuelle que future, est gérée par des forces extérieures, atteint un niveau plus élevé que chez les Canadiens de langue anglaise. Basés sur un échantillonage d'une étude nationale qui remonte à 1977, les résultats obtenus n'appuyent cette hypothèse que dans une dimension sur six. Cette dimension touche au vécu du répondant qui, dûà des circonstances imprévues, s'est vu obligé de modifier ses projets. Quant aux autres dimensions, les francophones sont plus aptes que leurs confrères à planifier leur avenir et plus optimistes quant à la réalisation de leurs projets. Ils sont plus aptes également à qualifier leur vie d“active‘ plutôt que de ‘passive.’ Le sentiment de mener leur vie comme ils l'entendent est au même niveau à peu près dans les deux groupes, et tous les deux se voient dans leur stituation actuelle comme ‘capables’ plutôt que ‘faibles.’ La possibilité que ces résultats reflètent les changements survenus récemment dans l'opinion publique de la société québécoise moderne est discutée brièvement. This paper tests the hypothesis that French Canadians more often perceive their present and future lives as controlled by external forces than do English Canadians. Based on a national sample survey conducted in 1977, results suggest support for the hypothesis on only one of six measures of perceived control. This item concerns the respondent's actual experience of having to change plans due to unforeseen circumstances. On the other items the French are more likely to favour planning for the future and more optimistic that future plans will eventually work out. The French are also somewhat more likely to characterize their lives as ‘active’ rather than ‘passive.’ The two groups are about equally likely to believe that they can run their lives the way they want and to see their present lives as ‘capable’ rather than ‘helpless.’ The possibility that these findings parallel recent changes in the climate of opinion of modern Quebec society is briefly discussed.     

Earning Disparities between Immigrants and Native‐born Canadians*

La contribution économique des immigrants est mesurée par l'am‐pleur de leurs salaires. Plus on diminue l'écart des salaires, plus les immigrants sont sensés se doter du capital humain. En utilisant les données du recensement de 1996, cet article compare des groupes d'immigrants avec des Canadiens de naissance de même sexe et de même origine raciale à quatre niveaux de la région métropolitaine de recensement, définie par la taille de la population. Les résultats indiquent que les immigrants de même sexe et de même origine raciale gagnent soit le même salaire sinon plus que leurs homologues canadiens. Cependant, en prenant en considération les variations dans le capital humain, l'expérience, les différences dans l'échelle urbaine, la taille de la population immigrante et le taux de chômage, tout groupe d'immigrants gagne moins que son homologue canadien. L'ampleur des salaires nets entre les immigrants et les Canadiens de naissance varie selon le sexe, l'origine raciale et moins ainsi selon le niveau de la région metropolitaine de recensement. Plusieurs fac‐teurs, dont les possibilités d'emploi inégales, touchent le salaire des immigrants. II n'est pas du tout évident de supposer que la teneur du capital humain des immigrants est inférieure alors qu'elle est déduite de la disparité de salaires. The economic contribution of immigrants is often measured by their earnings in that the closer they are to the earnings of native‐born Canadians and the more quickly immigrants can bridge the income gap, the more immigrants are assumed to be endowed with human capital. Using microdata of the 1996 census, this paper compares immigrant groups with native‐born Canadians of the same gender and racial origin at four levels of Census Metropolitan Area defined by population size. The findings indicate that immigrants of the same gender and racial origin earned either the same or more than their native‐born counterparts. However, when variations in human capital, experience, and other individual differences in work‐related characteristics and immigrant experience are taken into account, along with differences in urban scale, immigrant population size and unemployment rate, all immigrant groups earned less than their native‐born counterparts. The magnitude of net earning disparities between immigrants and native‐born Canadians varies, depending on gender, racial origin and less so on CMA level. The study suggests that many factors, including unequal opportunities, affect the earnings of immigrants, and that the assumption of immigrants' inferior human capital content inferred from earning disparities is tenuous at best.     

Gentrification and neo-rural populations in the Québec countryside: Representations of various actors

Rural gentrification, which is linked in particular to the migration and permanent settlement in the countryside of middle-class or affluent urbanites, is increasingly affecting contemporary rural communities. Despite the significance of this trend, the complex and many-sided phenomenon of rural gentrification has hardly been explored in scholarly research in Québec (Canada), in contrast to the abundant research that exists on this topic in the United Kingdom. Accordingly, the present article will explore different representations by and of the various actors involved vis-à-vis the emergence and polymorphous effects of the gentrification of two regional county municipalities (RCMs) in the province of Québec: Brome-Missisquoi and Arthabaska. Based on the results of qualitative interviews with the four types of actors (newcomers, long-time residents, directors of local and regional community organizations, and municipal officials), it shows the complexity of rural gentrification at various levels: 1) socio-demographically; 2) in terms of housing and economic impacts; 3) on the community and cultural levels; 4) on the physical, environmental and political levels. The findings demonstrate, among other things, the need to go further than simply portraying gentrifiers and, to this end, we have augmented our analysis with representations provided by other actors affected by rural gentrification. The article also stresses the importance of examining the overall effects of the phenomenon, both negative and positive, with a view to improving our understanding of it.     

Mentors and Protégés: Power-Dependent Dyads*

Largely as a consequence of the recent interest in the educational and occupational experiences of women, a well-known but long overlooked form of social interaction–the mentor-protégé relationship–is now receiving some attention. This concern usually views the relationship as a highly beneficial one. However, virtually no sociological analysis has been made of this phenomenon. This article provides a sociological conceptualization of the mentor-protégé relationship as a power-dependent, dyadic role set with a strong potential for role strain. Additional consideration is given to gender problems in mentor-protégé relationships.     

Minorities and the media: a content analysis of native Canadians in the daily press*

Cette étude examine la question de l'espace consacré aux autochtones canadiens dans la presse ontarienne. Une analyse de contenu est utilisée pour examiner la fréquence des reportages sur les Amérindiens et les Inuits, les classes d'événements, la prédominance des articles, ainsi que les termes utilisés dans les manchettes. Les raportages les plus fréquents concernant les deux groupes touchaient les relations gouvernementales et les revendications territoriales, tandis que pour les Amérindiens en particulier, les reportages des conflits prédominaient. L'analyse des manchettes semble indiquer qu'un rapport existe entre l'identification des Amérindiens et les termes décrivant les conflit ou la contestation. En conclusion, il est suggéré que l'image des peuples autochtones présentée dans la presse ontarienne est liée aux relations gouvernementales et aux revendications territoriales. De futures recherches devraient pouvoir déterminer l'influence de cette image sur les attitudes de lecteurs d'appartenance majoritaire ou minoritaire.
This study is concerned with Ontario newspaper coverage of native Canadians. Content analysis is employed to examine frequency of stories about Indians and Eskimos, event categories, article prominence, and headline wording. Most frequent news categories for both were government relationships and land claims, but for Indians conflict material was most prominently located. Headline analysis indicates some association between Indian identification and conflict/deviance words. The conclusion suggests native Canadian images presented are tied to government relationships and land claim activity. Future research should assess image influence in attitudes of majority and minority readers.     

Responding to Empire: Liberal Nationalism and Imperial Decline in Scotland and Québec1

Abstract This article emphasises the role of empire in explaining the emergence of “liberal nationalism” in Scotland and Québec in the early twentieth century. That period witnessed a relative decline in the British Empire's geopolitical standing. In response British governments implemented policies which sought to redress its decline. The article focuses on three policies – the South African War, tariff reform and imperial defence – and the response of the Young Scots' Society and the self‐ascribed Nationalistes. Both groups espoused a “liberal nationalism”. Yet their liberal nationalism was expressed differently: emphasis was placed on “liberal” in Scotland, and on “nationalism” in Québec, reflecting contrasting relationships with empire.     

Dispersion and Polarization of Income among Aboriginal and Non‐Aboriginal Canadians*

Cet article pose trois questions: 1) Pourquoi étudier les inégalités entre les autochtones? 2) Quel est l'écart entre les salaires et les revenus de la population canadienne en général et ceux des différents peuples autochtones? et 3) Jusqu'à quel point existe‐t‐il des inégalités entre les peuples autochtones ainsi qu'entre la population autochtone et la population non autochtone? Cet article montre une tendance générale de l'augmentation des disparités mesurées ainsi que de la polarisation des revenus chez tous les groupes autochtones compara‐tivement à la population non autochtone. Pour ce qui est de l'inégalité entre les groupes autochtones, les Inuits se classent au sommet de la pyramide, suivis des Indiens inscrits, des Indiens non inscrits et, finalement, des Métis. This article addresses three questions: 1) Why study intra‐Aboriginal inequality? 2) What is the gap in wages and income between the general Canadian population and the different Aboriginal peoples? and 3) How much inequality exists within the Aboriginal groups and between Aboriginal groups and the non‐Aboriginal population? The article points to a general pattern of increase in measured disparity and polarization in income for all Aboriginal groups in comparison to the non‐Aboriginal population. In terms of intra‐Aboriginal inequality, Aboriginal groups rank from Inuit at the high end, through Status Indians, to non‐status Indians and, finally, to Métis.     

Family dissolution and precautionary savings: an empirical analysis

The main research question of this paper is whether or not the risk of family disruption has an impact on the consumption/saving decisions of households. Although little empirical work exists in this area, often presenting indirect evidence, the theory is divided over the effect of family risk over saving and wealth accumulation. By using data from the Italian Survey on Households Income and Wealth, we build a probabilistic model to assess the probability of marital splitting, and then we insert this probability as a distinct or interacted regressor, in a statistically consistent way, into a linear model of consumption. Furthermore, we study the differential behaviour, in terms of consumption/saving choices, of couples experiencing marital splitting over the subsequent 2?years. The main result of our analysis is that family disruption risk generates precautionary savings, reducing current consumption. In fact, according to our estimates, on average, the risk of divorce generates an amount of additional yearly precautionary savings of around 800 euros at constant prices of the year 2000, which represents 11% of overall household savings.     

Réformes de l'immigration au Québec en 2019 et 2020: La logique politique à l’épreuve de l'analyse statistique

This research note examines the economic performance of economic immigrants selected under the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ). Launched in 2010 and currently being challenged by the Government of Quebec, this immigration program offers an accelerated path to obtaining a Quebec Selection Certificate. Drawing on data from The Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB), this analysis focuses on PEQ immigrants’ employment rates and employment income compared to the Quebec population aged 25 and 44, other economic immigrants admitted to Quebec, and candidates for the Canadian experience program admitted in another province. The results show that the first cohorts of this program performed very well on the Quebec job market, a performance that compares favorably with that of the other groups studied. The results indicate that the economic arguments put forward by the Québec Government to justify the reform of the PEQ do not withstand the statistical examination of employment outcomes; other factors should justify this reform.     

A neglected classic: Leonard Marsh's Canadians In and Out of Work*

Depuis sa parution en 1965, La mosaïque verticale de John Porter est considéré, presque à l'unanimité, comme la première étude vraiment complète de la structure des classes dans la société canadienne. Les auteurs de cette communication contestent cette idée et soutiennent que cette distinction revient de droit — à quelques nuances près — au livre peu connu de Leonard Marsh paru en 1940 sous le titre Canadians In and Out of Work: A Survey of Economic Classes and their Relation to the Labour Market. Les auteurs présentent également une brève explication de type «sociologie de la connaissance» de l'accueil différent qu'on a réservé aux deux études. John Porter's The Vertical Mosaic, published in 1965, is generally regarded as the first comprehensive study of Canada's national class structure. This paper makes the (qualified) argument that it is Leonard Marsh's little-known volume, Canadians In and Out of Work: A Survey of Economic Classes and their Relation to the Labour Market, published in 1940, that deserves this mark of distinction. The paper also provides a brief ‘sociology of sociology’ type of explanation for the difference in the receptions accorded the two volumes.     

Perceptions des difficultés d'insertion en emploi et raisons de fin d'emploi: les cas du Québec et du Canada

This study presents the results of a comparison between perceptions related to the difficulties of integrating the labour market in Quebec and Canada, as measured in Statistics Canada and Employment and Immigration Canada's Labour Market Activity Survey (1986–1987), and the difficulties actually experienced, estimated by the objective reasons for quitting a job. It then presents a follow-up of the iteration of sub-groups who have perceived such integration difficulties. The core question consists in verifying the foundations of a widespread opinion according to which individuals are more and more responsible for their probability of being employed, mainly due to their lack of instruction or experience. This study shows that some sub-groups overestimate the weight of their individual responsibility in facing the probability of being employed, as opposed to the responsibility linked with the structural factors. As the follow-up of sub-groups' iteration also shows, the youth likely to enter the labour market, as well as the poorly and moderately schooled sub-groups, experience the most difficulties. Cette étude présente les résultats d'une comparaison entre les perceptions relatives aux difficultés d'insertion sur le marché du travail au Québec et au Canada, telles que mesurées dans l'Enquěte sur l'activité (1986–1987) de Statistique Canada et Emploi et Immigration Canada, et les difficultés réellement vécues, estimées par les raisons objectives de quitter un emploi. Il présente ensuite le suivi du cheminement des sous-cohortes qui ont perçu de telles difficultés d'insertion. La question centrale consiste à vérifier le bien-fondé d'un préjugé qui tend à s'imposer et qui veut que les individus sont de plus en plus responsables de leur inemployabilité en vertu de leur manque d'instruction ou d'expérience. Il ressort de cette étude que certaines sous-cohortes surestiment beaucoup le poids de leur responsabilité individuelle face à l'inemployabilité, par opposition à la responsabilité liée aux facteurs structurels. Quant au suivi des cheminements, ce sont surtout les jeunes qui entrent sur le marché du travail ainsi que les personnes faiblement et moyennement scolarisées qui éprouvent le plus de difficultés.     

Defining Moments and Recurring Myths: Comparing Canadians and Americans after the American Revolution*

Dans cet article, nous examinons la célèbre thèse de S.M. Lipset, qui affirme que la révolution américaine a créé des differénces durables entre les valeurs canadiennes et américaines. Nous reconsidérons tout d'abord l'affirmation centrale de la thèse selon laquelle l'exode des loyalistes vers le Canada a ancré de façon permanente des systémes de valeurs distincts dans les deux sociétés. Notre analyse suggère que, au sein de la population générate, les loyalistes n'ont joué qu'un rôle négligeable dans la promotion de différences fondamentales. Nous comparons ensuite les deux sociétés sur le plan historique en utilisant plusieurs indicateurs ‐ classes sociales et structure économique, compositions ethnique et religieuse, modèles d'immigration et d'urbanisation, culture et organisation politiqUes ‐ afin de cerner des divergences importantes dans l'expérience et le milieu dans lequel vivaient les deux peuples, divergences qui auraient pu favoriser ces différences. Nous concluons que les deux populations se ressemblaient étonnamment, ce qui sous‐entend qu'elles partageaient probablement le même quotidien, les mêmes perspectives et valeurs au cours de la période révolutionnaire et pendant plusieurs dizaines d'années par la suite. This paper examines S.M. Lipset's widely known thesis that the American Revolution engendered lasting differences in Canadian and American values. We first reconsider the key claim of the thesis: that the Loyalist exodus to Canada permanently entrenched distinct value systems in the two societies. Our analysis indicates that, within the general population, the Loyalists had a negligible effect in promoting core differences. We then compare the two societies historically on several indicators—class and economic structure, ethnic and religious composition, immigration and urbanization patterns, and political culture and organization—to identify significant divergences in the peoples' backgrounds and experiences that may have promoted major differences. We find that the two populations were strikingly alike, suggesting that their everyday lives, outlooks, and values were probably quite similar during the Revolutionary era and for several decades afterward.     

Real household income and attitude toward immigrants: an empirical analysis

Previous studies have analyzed the (aggregate) effects of unemployment on attitudes towards immigrants and on right-wing crimes. In this paper, we investigate the effects of economic prosperity on attitudes towards immigrants, focusing not only on unemployment status but also on real household income. Using panel data from the German Socioeconomic Panel on around 33,000 individuals over the period 1992–2004 we find a robust negative relationship between real personal household income and self-declared concern about immigrants, both in levels and first differences. Both job loss and income reduction concerns about immigration. Our findings document an interesting interaction between economic variables and social attitudes which does not depend on economic growth per se but on its capacity to generate higher economic wellbeing at individual level, not only for unemployed people but also for those in employment, who may face a fall in real income during economic downturns.